(European Parliament Study) Ensuring the rights of EU citizens against politically motivated Red Notices

Possibilities under EU law to establish a platform for the exchange of information between the EU and the Member States to address the problem of abusive or politically motivated Interpol notices against EU citizens

LINK TO THE FULL STUDY

Abstract

This paper, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, analyses Interpol’s system of Red Notices and the EU-based mechanisms to safeguard citizens against political abuse of Interpol’s system. Recent reforms of Interpol are significant but many problems remain unaddressed. The paper discusses existing and possible platforms, including the European Search Portal, as ways to ensure a more effective enforcement of EU-based legal limits and fundamental rights on a European level.

AUTHOR Rasmus H. Wandall, PhD, Research fellow, University of Lund. Manuscript completed in February 2022 © European Union, 2022

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Background

In 2014, the European Parliament issued a resolution with recommendations on the matter (2013/2109(INL)) and since then, it has followed up with debates and further questions, most recently in 2021 concerning the candidacy for the Presidency of Interpol. In 2019, the DROI Committee of the European Parliament published a commissioned study on the misuse of Interpol Red Notices, putting forward a number of recommendations for Interpol reform. Also in 2019, the LIBE Committee and subsequently the European Parliament passed a resolution responding to the Russian Federation’s targeting of Lithuanian judges, prosecutors and investigators, and calling on EU Member States and Interpol to desist from assisting in the targeting (2019/2938(RSP)).

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe issued a resolution in 2017 (2161/ 2017) and again in 2019 (2315/2019) both with recommendations for Interpol reform and with recommendations for its Member States. Numerous articles and civil society organisations continue to document abuse and express concern over the exploitation of Interpol and the further need for reform. The leadership of Interpol and the composition of it have attracted considerable attention in this regard.

On the European level, the Court of Justice of the European Union has in recent case-law addressed Member States’ obligations under EU law to limit the use of arrest warrants and extraditions to third countries – also in regard to Red Notices. On this basis, the study analyses recent reform efforts of Interpol with a view to politically motivated Red Notice requests and the possibilities under EU law to establish a platform for the exchange of information between the EU and the Member States to address this problem for EU citizens.

Aim

The aim of the study is to 1) describe Interpol, its organisational setup, its financial foundation, and the practice of the notice system, 2) discuss the recent reforms of Interpol, 3) give an overview of the recent case-law development of the Court of Justice of the European Union, and identify what information is necessary to share for Member States to ensure EU citizens against politically motivated Red Notices, and 4) discuss possible platforms on which EU Member States and the EU may exchange information to address the problem. Finally, the aim is to 5) give recommendations for possible action.

Key findings : The Interpol Organisation

A Red Notice is a request to have a person arrested. It is issued through Interpol’s global notice system. Interpol is governed by its General Assembly made up by its 194 members. The President and the Executive Committee Members are elected. A General Secretariat manages the daily operations. Financially, the largest donors to the Interpol are the European Union, the Interpol Foundation for a Safer World (fully funded by the United Arab Emirates), the United States of America, Canada, and Norway.

The General Secretariat coordinates and manages all Interpol’s activities. National Central Bureaus in member countries operate within domestic authorities and carry out part of Interpol’s work. The National Central Bureaus are managed by staff of the domestic authorities.

Red Notice requests are communicated by the National Central Bureau to the General Secretariat with a view to circulation worldwide. A task force in the General Secretariat reviews the requests prior to circulation. If approved, the notice is circulated and possibly publicised. Diffusion orders to arrest are not formal notices and are sent directly to other members of Interpol.

In 2020, Interpol issued 11,094 Red Notices and had more than 66,000 Red Notices in circulation. There has been a significant increase in numbers of Red Notices and Diffusion Orders since 2010.

Within the General Secretariat, a Secretary granted independence is appointed to support the Interpol Commission of the Control of Files. The commission handles individual complaints and performs both a supervisory and advisory role.

Interpol Rules governing the system of notices

Interpol activities, including the processing of Red Notices, must respect Interpol rules and must be consistent with the laws of the jurisdictions engaged by the acts in question.

Interpol is obliged not to assist or aid members that act in violation of international human rights law, and to respect the principle of neutrality stipulated in art. 3 in its Constitution.

The rule forbids the organisation to undertake any intervention or activity of a political, military, religious or racial character. Furthermore, a Red Notice must concern a serious ordinary-law crime and must pass a specific penalty threshold for the notice to be considered.

The National Central Bureaus and subsequently the General Secretariat’s task force review requests to ensure that all thresholds and rules are respected.

Interpol rules on data protection apply alongside overlapping regional and national data protection rules. In the area of the European Union, the Law Enforcement Directive, EU Fundamental Rights laws, and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union apply equally in every Member State. Since 2015, Interpol appointed a Data Protection Officer overseeing and developing data protection practice and organisation of Interpol. Each National Central Bureau equally appoints data protection officers.

Recent reforms of the Interpol Red Notice system

Politically motivated Red Notices allow governments to persecute political and other opponents abroad with significant consequences for those affected.

Despite the rights-based limitation of Interpol’s mandate to communicate Red Notices, the risk of politically motivated Red Notices is real. Moreover, observing that democracies are under pressure and that many countries have developed in an authoritarian direction, there is a strong argument that the risk has increased.

Interpol has carried out significant reforms since 2013. The review of Red Notice requests has been strengthened and a complaint mechanism under the Commission of the Control of Files has been enforced. Interpol has assigned a Data Protection Officer and implemented learning and knowledge sharing programmes to support the legal frameworks and good practices of all parts of the Interpol organisation.

Regardless, a number of legal tools continue to be lacking and there is a substandard transparency in the processing of Red Notices. Furthermore, more fundamental problems remain.

First, considering the increasing number of notices in circulation and considering the current setup, proper legal safeguards cannot be expected to be sufficiently enforced in the near future. Second, decentralised National Central Bureaus under the authority of domestic authorities represent a structural problem that is not sufficiently addressed through Interpol’s knowledge management organisation.

Third, the use of national databases to store and update Red Notices means that Interpol updates are ineffective on a global scale and leave inaccurate notice information in circulation on a significant level.

An EU-based platform for exchanging information

The Court of Justice of the EU has developed rights-based boundaries of its Member States’ use of arrest warrants – both in regard to extradition to Member States and to third countries.

The Council of the EU has subsequently affirmed initiatives to enforce these boundaries. Member States must consider fundamental rights as grounds for refusing arrest warrants and extraditions. Verifying that there is a real risk, the executing authority must find that the person in question is subjected to such real risk considering the specific circumstances of the case. If affirmative, a decision to extradite must be deferred. If the risk cannot be discounted, the authority must reach a decision itself or terminate the proceedings. In making this risk evaluation, information that is “objective, reliable, specific and properly updated” must be relied upon.

In its judgment in C-505/19, the Court extended the restrictions to the Member States’ use of Interpol Red Notices. In a case concerning a ne bis in idem violation and violation of the freedom of movement, the Court of Justice of the EU held that a) the mere possibility of a violation of the ne bis in idem principle is not enough to bar a preliminary arrest of the person in question. Only if it has been established “in a final judicial decision taken in a Contracting State or in a Member State” arrest and extradition are prohibited. The Court also held that it is not unlawful to process data in a Red Notice if the ne bis in idem principle may apply. If, however, it is established that the principle does apply and there are no grounds for a criminal process against the person, there is no longer basis for data processing and the person can legitimately require the Member State to erase the data on the Red Notice.

On all accounts, the Member State must effectively communicate the limitation in a note, thus making sure that the individual is not subjected to future arrests on the same grounds elsewhere.

Both within and outside the European Union, digital and professional network-based platforms are applied to facilitate the exchange of information across borders. Technically, European Union institutions have established digital software platforms to facilitate effective exchange of general and case specific information in the area of justice and security. Schengen Information System II, eEDeS (E-Evidence Digital Exchange System) , and e-Justice are important examples. The European Search Portal that provides a single point of entry to searching in several relevant databases simultaneously provides a strong case for a future platform.

Legally, all Member States may exchange information in their own capacities and can process personal data in Red Notices within the legal framework of the Law Enforcement Directive. To some extent the European Search Portal already provides legal and institutional mandate to some necessary data. However, several specific data needs further legal mandate and institutional framework for EU-institutions and EU Member States to share them.

Furthermore, effective exchange of information in the field of justice and security continue to require support from professional human-based networks. In the European area, the European Judicial Network is sigificant, establishing contact points in each Member State and integrating EU-based digital platforms.

Key recommendations

With regard to modelling an effective review and redress mechanism in Interpol for the future:

The European Parliament should call on the EU Commission to include the production of a forecast analysis and modelling that account for high volume cases and decentralised review & update process in the negotiations with Interpol as an area of collaboration.

With regard to procedural and substantive improvements (in prioritised order):

(1) the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to include in the legal tools currently under development to support the European Arrest Warrant system, the processing of Red Notice requests. This should include step-by-step guidelines for all EU Member States on how to handle Red Notice requests (deciding on, communicating, updating, erasing, inserting notes).

(2) the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to include in the negotiations with Interpol an item to have Interpol produce, update and make available procedural and substantive tools on the legal handling – including rights-based boundaries – of Red Notices, ensuring consistent and transparent processing of requests, reviews, challenges, corrections and deletions.

(3) the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to include in the negotiations with Interpol an item to have Interpol produce yearly statistical data on processing of requests for Red Notices with data on country of request, criminal offence category, review outcome, reasons for denial, and the use of available sanctions against member countries. If this is not achieved, the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to ensure that statistical data on EU Member States’ handling of requests for Red Notice arrests is developed for all Member States.

(4) based on the statistical data, the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to include in the negotiations with Interpol an item to have Interpol develop public risk profiles of Red Notice requesting countries. This is necessary to evaluate the risk of abuse associated with the requesting countries and to evaluate the effectiveness of the enforcement mechanisms of Interpol.

(5) the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to include a mechanism for EU to formulate and monitor the agenda of reform initiatives with regard to Red Notices, in the current negotiations for a collaboration agreement with Interpol.

Recommendations with regard to institutional support of platforms for exchange of necessary information:

Both digital platforms and professional human-based networks to facilitate the information exchange already exist. The most important actions are to support and further develop the proper functioning and synergies of these platforms. The European Search Portal provides an optimal starting point.

 (1)      the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to further develop the legal and institutional framework of the European Search Portal to include a database on final judicial decisions related to existing Red Notices and prior decisions on arrest and extraditions related to an existing Red Notice, as well as a repository with relevant and updated human rights information on requesting countries.

(2) the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to take the necessary steps to develop and administrate databases on final judicial decisions related to existing Red Notices, and prior decisions on arrest and extraditions related to an existing Red Notice, as well as a repository with relevant and updated human rights information on requesting countries.

(3) to support access and exchange of data, the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to involve the European Judicial Network in the design of best practices when connecting to other authorities in Member States and when exchanging information concerning Red Notice warrants.

(4) the European Parliament could call on the EU Commission to establish an office to support the update of relevant data, the administration of the databases, and to coordinate the update and prepare procedural and legal guidelines to ensure fundamental rights of citizens going forward.

LINK TO THE FULL STUDY

Worth Reading :”Understanding EU data protection policy “

European Parliament Research Service (EPRS) : Policy Briefing

Summary : The datafication of everyday life and data scandals have made the protection of personal information an increasingly important social, legal and political matter for the EU. In recent years, awareness of data rights and expectations for EU action in this area have both grown considerably. The right to privacy and the right to protection of personal data are both enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU and in the EU Treaties. The entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 gave the Charter the same legal value as the Treaties and abolished the pillar structure, providing a stronger basis for a more effective and comprehensive EU data protection regime.

In 2012, the European Commission launched an ambitious reform to modernise the EU data protection framework. In 2016, the co-legislators adopted the EU’s most prominent data protection legislation – the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) – and the Law Enforcement Directive. The framework overhaul also included adopting an updated Regulation on Data Protection in the EU institutions and reforming the e-Privacy Directive, which is currently the subject of negotiation between the co-legislators. The European Parliament has played a key role in these reforms, both as co-legislator and author of own-initiative reports and resolutions seeking to guarantee a high level of data protection for EU citizens. The European Court of Justice plays a crucial role in developing the EU data protection framework through case law. In the coming years, challenges in the area of data protection will include balancing compliance and data needs of emerging technologies, equipping data protection authorities with sufficient resources to fulfil their tasks, mitigating compliance burdens for small and medium-sized enterprises, taming digital surveillance and further clarifying requirements of valid consent. (This is an updated edition of a briefing written by Sofija Voronova in May 2020.)

LINK TO THE FULL TEXT

VERFASSUNGSBLOG : A cautious green light for technology-driven mass surveillance

The Advocate General’s Opinion on the PNR Directive

by Christian Thönnes

Yesterday, on 27 January 2022, Advocate General (AG) Pitruzzella published his Opinion (“OP”) in the Court of Justice of the European Union’s (CJEU) preliminary ruling procedure C-817/19. The questions in this case pertain to Directive (EU) 2016/681 of 27 April 2016 on the use of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crime (in short: PNR Directive) and its compatibility with EU primary law.

In his Opinion (which, besides the Press Release (“PR”), was only available in French at the time of writing), the AG, while criticizing the PNR Directive’s overbroad data retention period and its lack of clarity and precision in certain points, generally considers the PNR Directive to be “compatible with the fundamental rights to respect for private life and to the protection of personal data” (PR). His arguments are not convincing.

Certainly, much more can and will be written about this case in general and the Opinion in particular. This entry can only shine a light on some of the AG’s major arguments. In so doing, it shall point out why, in my opinion, the CJEU would do well not to follow the AG’s recommendations. Instead, I believe the PNR Directive is incompatible with Articles 7 and 8 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR). Consequently, it ought to be invalidated.

What the AG has to say about the PNR Directive

The PNR Directive obliges EU Member States to require air carriers to transmit a set of data for each passenger to national security authorities, where they are subjected to automated processing against pre-existing databases (Art. 6 § 3 letter a) and “pre-determined criteria” (Art. 6 § 3 letter b), which contain (allegedly) suspicious flight behaviors (such as a mismatch between luggage and length of stay and destination, see the Commission’s Evaluation Report, point 5.1, in order to identify potential perpetrators of serious crimes or acts of terrorism (a more detailed description of the Directive’s workings can be found in paras 9-18 of the AG’s Opinion or here).

The AG points to certain (limited) problems with the Directive’s wording. Firstly, he contends that point 12 of Annex I, enabling “General Remarks” to be included in PNR data sets, fail to “satisfy the conditions of clarity and precision laid down by the Charter” (PR, also para 150 OP). He also considers the Directive’s five-year-retention period for PNR data excessive and proposes that this period be limited to cases where “a connection is established, on the basis of objective criteria, between those data and the fight against terrorism or serious crime” (PR, also para 245 OP). In addition, he provides clarifying criteria for the relevancy of databases under Art. 6 § 3 letter a (para 219 OP), regarding the applicability of the GDPR (para 53 OP) as well as collisions with the Schengen Borders Code (para 283 OP). He also demands that, due to their lack of transparency, (at least some) “machine-learning artificial intelligence systems” (PR), should not be used for pre-determined criteria (para 228 OP).

The most resounding message of his Opinion, however, is that the PNR Directive’s mass retention and processing regime is “relevant, adequate and not excessive in relation to the objectives pursued” (PR) and thus compatible with Articles 7 and 8 CFR. He therefore recommends to let it stand, albeit with some interpretative limitations (para 254 OP).

Incompatibility with Digital Rights Ireland and its successors

The AG’s reasoning in support of the PNR Directive’s proportionality relies on his central finding that “the Court’s case-law on data retention and access in the electronic communications sector is not transposable to the system laid down by the PNR Directive” (PR). He is referring to decisions like Digital Rights IrelandTele2 Sverige and Quadrature du Net, in which the CJEU had laid down strict limits on governments’ power to collect and process telecommunications data. Notably, it posited that “the fight against serious crime […] and terrorism […] cannot in itself justify that national legislation providing for the general and indiscriminate retention of all traffic and location data should be considered to be necessary for the purposes of that fight” (Tele2 Sverige, para 103; also Digital Rights Ireland, para 51). Instead, the CJEU required that in order to be considered “limited to what is strictly necessary […] the retention of data must continue nonetheless to meet objective criteria, that establish a connection between the data to be retained and the objective pursued” (Tele2 Sverige, para 110).

Evidently, the PNR Directive would clash with these criteria – were they found to be applicable. The collection and automated processing of PNR data is completely indiscriminate. Given Member States’ universal extension to EU domestic flights, it affects all European flight passengers, regardless of their personal histories and independently of a potential increased domestic threat situation (this is proposed as a possible criterion in Quadrature du Net, para 168). The use of pre-determined criteria is not, like the comparison against existing databases, aimed at recognizing known suspects, but at conjuring up new suspicions (see EU Commission PNR Directive Proposal, SEC(2011) 132, p. 12). Also, taking a flight is a perfectly ordinary form of human behavior. There is no empirically demonstrated connection to the perpetration of serious crimes or acts of terrorism (in para 203, the AG presupposes such a “lien objectif” without providing any evidence exceeding anecdotal intuitions about terrorism and human trafficking) and the PNR Directive, given its broad catalogue of targeted crimes, is not limited to dangers caused by air traffic. What behavior will be targeted next? Visiting the museum? Going to a rock concert? Belgium, for example, has already expanded the PNR Directive’s scope to international trains, busses and ferries (Doc. parl., Chambre, 20152016, DOC 54-2069/001, p.7).

Good reasons for applicability

It thus is quite clear: Should Digital Rights Ireland and its successors apply, the PNR Directive is in trouble. Now, why wouldn’t their criteria be transposable? The AG’s arguments mainly turn on a perceived difference in sensitivity of PNR data, compared to telecommunications meta-data. The latter, the AG explains, contain intimate information of users’ private lives (para 195, 196), and almost uncontrollable in their scope and processing because everyone uses telecommunication (paras 196, 198). Moreover, because they are used for communication, telecommunications data, unlike PNR data, have an intrinsic connection to fundamental democratic freedoms (para 197). PNR data, on the other hand, he opines, are limited to a delineated life domain and narrower target groups because fewer people use planes than telecommunication (paras 196, 198).

Under closer examination, this comparison falls apart. Firstly, PNR data contain very sensitive information, too. As the CJEU has pointed out in his Opinion 1/15 regarding the once-envisaged EU-Canada PNR Agreement, “taken as a whole, the data may, inter alia, reveal a complete travel itinerary, travel habits, relationships existing between air passengers and the financial situation of air passengers, their dietary habits or state of health” (para 128). Unlike the AG (see para 195 in his Opinion), I can find no remarks in Opinion 1/15 that would relegate PNR data to a diminished place compared to telecommunications data. But secondly, and more importantly, the AG fails to consider other factors weighing on the severity of the PNR Directive’s data processing when compared against the processing of Directive 2006/24/EC and its siblings: The method and breadth of processing and the locus of storage.

Only a small minority of telecommunication datasets, upon government requests in specific cases (see Articles 4 and 8 of Directive 2006/24/EC), underwent closer scrutiny, while the vast majority remained untouched. Under the PNR Directive, however, all passengers, without exception, are subjected to automated processing. In so doing, the comparison against pre-determined criteria, as the AG points out himself (para 228 OP), can be seen as inviting Member States to use self-learning algorithms to establish suspicious movement patterns. Other EU law statutes like Art. 22 GDPR or Art. 11 of Directive 2016/618, as well as comparable decisions by national constitutional courts (BVerfG, Beschluss des Ersten Senats vom 10. November 2020 – 1 BvR 3214/15 -, para 109) are inspired by an understanding that such automated processing methods greatly increase the severity of respective interferences with fundamental rights. Moreover, while telecommunications data were stored on telecommunication service providers’ servers (to whom users had entrusted these data), PNR data are all transferred from air carriers to government entities and then stored there.

Hence, there are good reasons to assume that the data processing at hand causes even more severe interferences with Articles 7 and 8 CFR than Directive 2006/24/EC did. It thus follows, that the case law of Digital Rights Ireland should apply a fortiori.

An inaccurate conception of automated algorithmic profiling and base rate fallacy

There are other problems with the AG’s reasoning; completely untangling all of them would exceed this space. Broadly speaking, however, the AG seems to underestimate the intrinsic pitfalls of unleashing predictive self-learning algorithms on datapools like these. The AG claims that the PNR Directive contains sufficient safeguards against false-positives and discriminatory results (para 176 OP).

Firstly, it is unclear what these safeguards are supposed to be. The Directive does not enunciate clear standards for human review. Secondly, even if there were more specific safeguards, it is hard to see how they could remedy the Directive’s central inefficiency. That inefficiency does not reside in the text, it’s in the math – and it’s called ‘base rate fallacy’. The Directive forces law enforcement to look for the needle in a haystack. Even if their algorithms were extremely accurate, false-positives would most likely exceed true-positives. Statistics provided by Member States showing extremely high false-positive rates support this observation. The Opinion barely even discusses false-positives as a problem (only in an aside in para 226 OP). Also, it is unclear how the antidiscrimination principle of Art. 6 § 4 is supposed to work. While the algorithms in question may be programmed in way to not process explicit data points on race, religion, health etc., indirect discrimination is a well-established problem of antidiscrimination law. Both humans and algorithms may just use the next-best proxy trait. (see for example Tischbirek, Artificial Intelligence and Discrimination).

Now, the AG attempts to circumvent these problems by reading the PNR Directive in a way that prohibits the use of self-learning algorithms (para 228 OP). But that interpretation, which is vaguely based on some “système de garanties“ (para 228 OP), is both implausible – it lacks textual support and the pile of PNR data is amassed precisely to create a use case for AI at EU borders – and insufficient to alleviate this surveillance tool’s inherent statistical inefficiency.

This cursory analysis sheds light on some of the AG’s Opinion’s shortcomings. It thus follows that the CJEU should deviate from Pitruzzella’s recommendations. The PNR Directive, due to the severity of its effects and its inherent inefficiency in fulfilling its stated purpose, produces disproportionate interferences with Articles 7 and 8 CFR. It ought to be invalidated.

Between 2017 and 2021, the author worked for the German NGO “Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte”, among other things, on a similar case (C-148/20 to C-150/20) directed against the PNR Directive.

IS THERE A FUTURE FOR THE EU’S AREA OF FREEDOM, SECURITY AND JUSTICE? A PLAN TO BUILD BACK TRUST

by CAMINO MORTERA-MARTINEZ

REBLOGGED FROM THE INTERNET SITE OF THE CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN REFORM / LINK : https://www.cer.eu/publications/archive/policy-brief/2022/there-future-eus-area-freedom-security-and-justice

SUMMARY

  • The past 15 years have not been kind to two great icons of European integration: the common currency with its accompanying passport-free Schengen area and area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ).
  • Much like the eurozone between 2008 and 2015, the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice has gone through a series of shocks over the past seven years, whether they relate to migration, asylum policies, security concerns or the rule of law. But, unlike the EU’s single currency area, there have been limited efforts to fix the AFSJ’s multiple shortcomings.
  • To date, the EU has dealt with each crisis separately. This was reasonable while each problem was manageable on its own and had little or no spill-over to other parts of the EU project. But this is no longer a sustainable strategy. All the AFSJ crises are related and they all need fixing quickly. The EU should find inspiration in how it dealt with the twin financial and eurozone crises.
  • So far, Schengen and the AFSJ have weathered a migration crisis, several terrorist attacks, and a pandemic because EU countries have mostly been happy to co-operate with each other and trusted each other’s systems.
  • But it is becoming clear that countries have very different ideas about who should be allowed in and how; what an independent judiciary is; and what should be the relationship between EU law and national constitutions.
  • The EU does not need to come up with flashy new plans to reform Schengen every two or three years. Instead, EU leaders should focus on the underlying problem: the waning trust between member-states and the impact that this lack of trust on co-operation.
  • The most important consequence of the bloc’s gradual loss of mutual trust may be the gradual exclusion of some EU countries from the Union’s common legal space. That space includes not only police and judicial co-operation, but also the single market.
  • The EU will not solve its trust problem through new laws or court rulings, because the problem stems from political, rather than legal, differences. Instead, the EU should focus on rethinking the way the AFSJ works and clarifying the compromises it involves. One way forward could be to draw inspiration from the European Semester and the EU’s post-pandemic recovery fund.
  • The EU should come up with a ‘European Justice Semester’, which would help to rebuild trust in three ways. First, it would establish a permanent and clearer link between policies related to Schengen, like the free movement of people, and policies related to the wider area of AFSJ like the independence of the judiciary. Second, it would make it harder for countries to backslide. And third, it would allow the EU to anticipate, prepare and deal with issues of mutual trust faster and better.
  • The European Council could hold a special summit on the future of Schengen and the AFSJ. The result could be a baseline plan which includes a monitoring mechanism based on the eurozone’s European Semester and the post-pandemic recovery fund.
  • Such plan would include a set of pre-agreed standards that all member-states should abide by. These standards should be drawn up by the Council of Ministers and the European Commission, approved by the European Parliament and endorsed by the European Council.
  • The Commission could use these standards to monitor trends, for example of judicial reforms, and issue clear guidelines. Member-states would need to present national plans roughly every two years explaining how they would comply with those guidelines.
  • National AFSJ plans should be approved by the Council of Ministers. The Commission would then review those plans and come up with country recommendations, which should be approved by the Council of Ministers. Member-states should commit to follow those recommendations.
  • EU governments and the European Commission could set up dedicated teams to ensure regular communication between Brussels and EU capitals; and an early warning mechanism to spot problems before they become unmanageable, similar to the six-month review devised for the disbursement of the recovery fund.
  • EU member-states should agree on a warning procedure that would apply to countries which have been found to repeatedly deviate from the standards. Such a procedure could end with a suspension of EU funds or with a temporary ‘freezing’ of the recalcitrant country’s participation in certain EU laws, like the European Arrest Warrant.
  • To work, a European Justice Semester cannot be a purely procedural plan, driven solely by the EU institutions. Such a plan would need the highest-level political backing and broad public support every step of the way. A European Justice Semester should focus on performance, solidarity and accountability.

BRIEFING

During the first decade of the 21st century, the prospects for European integration looked bright. This was particularly true for two of the icons of integration: the common currency, and the passport-free Schengen area. The 2010s were not kind to either; so far, the 2020s have not been kind to anything at all. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries have put borders back up. The politics of migration remain toxic and EU countries have not been able to agree on common policies. Despite a number of shocking terrorist attacks, the likelihood of falling victim to terrorism in Europe is extremely small. Even so, terrorism and crime are amongst the top ten concerns of European citizens, according to the European Commission, and feature regularly in electoral campaigns across the EU.1 Meanwhile, the EU’s reliance on a common legal space, in which shared rules are interpreted predictably by independent courts, has been challenged by assaults on the independence of the judiciary in several member-states. Furthermore, the Union’s post-pandemic recovery fund may be susceptible to corruption and, if the money is misspent, anti-EU forces will profit.

Much like the eurozone between 2008 and 2015, the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice has gone through a series of shocks over the past seven years, whether they relate to migration, asylum policies, security concerns or the rule of law. But, unlike the EU’s single currency area, there have been limited efforts to fix the AFSJ’s multiple shortcomings. Instead, both EU governments and the EU institutions have chosen to follow a piecemeal strategy, treating each blow to the Union’s AFSJ as an isolated incident. This has made sense until now, as it is an easier sell to voters to separate migration issues from, say, the rule of law. But it is not a sustainable strategy anymore. 

EU leaders can no longer pretend that the EU’s common borderless legal area is doing well.

All of the AFSJ’s crises are related. The reason why EU countries have close police and judicial co-operation links and, at least on paper, a common set of rules governing asylum and migration, is that they need to reduce the risks that would otherwise arise in a Union without internal border checks. Schengen and the AFSJ form the bloc’s common borderless legal area. A shock to Schengen has an immediate ripple effect on the AFSJ. 

EU leaders and the EU institutions can no longer pretend that the EU’s common borderless legal area is doing well. The EU needs a new plan to make it more resilient. This plan must include regular performance checks and a set of rights and obligations that finally simplifies the link between Schengen and the AFSJ. Such a plan would need a serious commitment from both EU governments and the Brussels institutions, but would not require changing the treaties. 

This policy brief looks back at the AFSJ’s difficult decade. It argues that the EU needs to clarify the relationship between Schengen and the bloc’s common legal space, and draws lessons from the eurozone crisis, calling for the EU to set up a ‘European Justice Semester’ to protect the AFSJ. 

This is the last paper of a series on the future of EU justice and home affairs. It examines some ideas that have been discussed at meetings of the Amato group, a reflection group of experts on justice and home affairs policies, run by the Centre for European Reform, chaired by former Italian Prime Minister Giuliano Amato and supported by the Open Society European Policy Institute (OSEPI). It has been meeting since 2014. This paper tries to capture the main take-aways of the group’s work over the past seven years. 

THE EU’S DECADE OF UNREST AND RELAXATION

EU justice and home affairs (JHA) comprises a set of policies intended to help EU countries manage the side-effects of closer economic integration and the abolition of border controls. As member-states gradually lifted checks on people, goods, capital and services, both law-abiding Europeans and criminals became more mobile. The free movement of capital made laundering money easier. The development of the internal market also meant that more people from different nationalities were getting married, divorced, having children, signing or ending contracts, buying and selling property and, in general, entering into legal transactions in other countries. Meanwhile, both asylum-seekers and other sorts of migrants were arriving in Europe in growing numbers, and looking to settle.2 

The 1999 Amsterdam treaty responded to these developments by saying that one of the EU’s main objectives should be “to maintain and develop the Union as an area of freedom, security and justice, in which the free movement of persons is assured in conjunction with appropriate measures with respect to external border controls, asylum, immigration and the prevention and combating of crime.”3

Spurred by a general optimism about European integration and the pressing need to improve police and judicial co-operation in Europe following terrorist attacks in Madrid and London in 2004 and 2005, the Lisbon treaty, which entered into force in December 2009, gave new powers to the EU institutions. The Commission was given the power to propose laws on a wide range of topics such as migration, asylum, criminal law and police co-operation. The Council of Ministers and the European Parliament could each amend, reject or approve those proposals, which, once accepted, would become EU laws and fall under the supervision of the European Court of Justice (ECJ).

From 1999 to the mid-2010s, JHA remained a relatively obscure part of EU policy which accordingly attracted very little public interest. In hindsight, it all began to turn sour in 2014.

Faced with increasing arrivals of leaky boats overcrowded with people fleeing bloody conflicts in Syria and Libya, the Italian government of then-prime minister Enrico Letta launched ‘Mare Nostrum’, a search and rescue operation, in 2013. Other EU countries then accused Italy of encouraging people to risk their lives crossing to Europe by sea in unsafe ships operated by people smugglers, and the EU convinced Letta to replace ‘Mare Nostrum’ with the much smaller ‘Operation Triton’ in 2014. Triton had no mandate to search for and rescue distressed boats proactively. In April 2015, around 700 people died in a shipwreck off the coast of the Italian island of Lampedusa. In September of that year, the image of three-year-old Syrian boy Alan Kurdi lying lifeless on a Turkish beach made headlines around the world. Public attention turned to Europe’s perceived inability to deal with migrants and asylum-seekers, who were often conflated.

The migrant shipwreck tragedy in Lampedusa was a turning point for the future of the EU project.

The tragedy in Lampedusa was a turning point for the EU: the Union has been at the centre of a heated political debate about borders, human rights and Europe’s economy ever since. National politicians began to frame migration debates as a zero-sum choice between open borders for all and ‘fortress Europe’. EU governments and the Brussels institutions eventually fell into the trap of adopting this dichotomy, creating the most serious border crisis in the EU’s history. 

In 2015 and early 2016, over a million people crossed into Europe as the conflict in Syria intensified and Libya’s failed state became a safe haven for smugglers. Quickly, it became apparent that member-states did not see eye-to-eye. Some felt they were bearing a disproportionate burden in protecting Schengen’s external borders; some felt they were taking in more than their fair share of asylum-seekers; and some did not want to accept would-be refugees at all. The bitter political debates that ensued deepened the fault lines between front-line and destination member-states. The disagreements about quotas, solidarity and shared responsibility also entrenched another dividing line that had been developing for a while, this time between Central and Western Europe over respect for the rule of law and fundamental rights. 

While Hungary’s Viktor Orbán had been toying with the idea of “illiberal democracy” since 2014, the EU’s rule of law stand-off began in earnest four years ago.4 In December 2017, the Commission launched a disciplinary proceeding against Poland under Article 7 of the Lisbon treaty, for breaching EU values. Article 7 proceedings can end with the suspension of the offending state’s voting rights in the Council of Ministers. In October 2018, the European Parliament initiated proceedings against Hungary for the same reason.5 But neither of the two disciplinary actions has got very far: they require unanimous agreement in the Council, minus the offending state. Even if 25 states agreed to sanction Poland or Hungary, one of that pair would still be able to block action against the other. Meanwhile, both the European Commission and the European Parliament have become worried about democratic backsliding in other countries, too: in Slovenia, the government of Orbán’s ally, Janez Janša, has been clamping down on media freedom and NGOs. In Romania and Bulgaria, fears over corruption and respect for fundamental rights are piling up. 

Twenty twenty-one may have been the bumpiest year yet for the rule of law in Europe. In December 2020, the EU passed a law (the ‘conditionality mechanism’, in EU jargon) that would stop payments from the EU’s budget and recovery fund to countries that do not respect the rule of law. The Commission has not yet triggered this mechanism because, to overcome Warsaw and Budapest’s threat to veto the bloc’s recovery fund, EU governments promised them that the law would not be used until the ECJ had had the time to review it. But, to put pressure on Poland and Hungary, the Commission has instead delayed the release of recovery fund money (which is separate from the general EU budget) to both countries, over concerns about widespread corruption and a captured judiciary. Over the past 12 months, the ECJ has ruled repeatedly that the Polish government has breached EU law with its judicial reforms – and Warsaw has, also repeatedly, refused to comply with the Luxembourg court’s rulings.6 The stand-off came to a head in October when the Polish Constitutional Tribunal ruled that parts of the EU treaties were incompatible with the Polish constitution, sparking fears of a ‘Polexit’.

The Polish Constitutional Tribunal tried to piggyback on a relatively new trend: the rise of the eurosceptic courts. The Romanian and German constitutional courts, the Danish Supreme Court and the French Conseil d’État have in recent years all questioned the validity of EU law or the legitimacy of ECJ rulings.7 Spain’s otherwise reliably pro-EU judiciary has been debating the usefulness of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) since a judge in Germany refused the extradition of the fugitive Catalan independence movement leader Carles Puigdemont.8 And Slovenia only nominated its required two delegated prosecutors to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO, a body with powers to prosecute crimes related to the EU budget) in November 2021, six months after the office started operations. Ljubljana’s two nominees are not even confirmed yet – with Janša clarifying that they are just “temporary appointments”.9 

EU justice and home affairs, once the preserve of academics and officials, has become a political battleground.

COVID-19 has further complicated matters. While most headlines rightly focus on the human and economic costs of the pandemic, the spread of the virus has created much collateral damage – including to Schengen and the EU’s single market. At the beginning of the pandemic, member-states restored, or extended, passport checks;10 and the EU imposed an entry ban on non-EU citizens. Both were not entirely unreasonable measures but were decided and applied in a hurry and rather incoherently across the EU.11 As a result, member-states grew wary of each other – questioning the ability of other European governments to deal with the crisis. More worryingly, many EU countries introduced serious and unco-ordinated restrictions on the free movement of European citizens – or banned it altogether. While the EU has to some extent managed to harmonise member-states’ criteria for when EU citizens are allowed to travel (notably through the introduction of an EU-wide COVID-19 vaccination passport), many restrictions on movement remain in place. At the time of writing, in January 2022, several member-states have re-instated lockdowns and/or other restrictions on movement within and across their borders. Border controls persist in many EU countries. 

EU justice and home affairs, once the preserve of a handful of lawyers, academics and officials, has become a political battleground. Migration, security (including health security) and EU values are amongst the most contentious issues of EU policy – and ones which can win or lose elections at home. Collectively, they have created new rifts within the EU or aggravated pre-existing fault lines. The EU and its member-states tolerated Orbán’s antics until the 2015-2016 migration crisis exposed a new and important rift between Eastern and Western member-states.12 The crisis also mirrored the divisions that became apparent during the eurozone crisis between 2010 and 2012: frugal, more economically conservative member-states like Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands are also the EU’s biggest recipients of both labour migrants and asylum-seekers, while their southern, more indebted and fiscally dovish counterparts like Italy, Greece and Spain are the countries where migrants and asylum-seekers first arrive. 

The row over the rule of law has intensified the split between the original EU-15 and countries which joined the EU after 2004. While security remains less divisive, as most EU countries agree that they should co-operate to combat crime and terrorism, the topic has become entangled in broader discussions over the EU’s borders, Europe’s values and political posturing over the place of religion in Europe. The European Commission even has a dedicated Commissioner for ‘promoting our European way of life’ whose portfolio includes security.

To date, the EU has dealt with each of these crises separately. This was reasonable while each problem was manageable on its own and had little or no spill-over to other parts of the EU project. But there are clear links between the EU’s migration, security and rule of law woes. 

ALL ROADS LEAD TO SCHENGEN

There is a reason why all of the AFSJ’s crises seem to be happening at the same time, or in very close succession: they are connected. It is naïve to think that sizeable migration flows will not affect the way that Europeans think about security; and it is plain wrong to believe that migration, border and security issues will not spill over into other parts of EU policy-making, such as the recovery fund and the rule of law. The only reason why the EU has an area of freedom, security and justice in the first place is because of Schengen. In the words of a senior EU official, “without Schengen, laws governing criminal and civil co-operation in Europe, as well as police and intelligence collaboration, would be nice-to-have, not a must-have.” 

There is a reason why all AFSJ’s crises are happening at the same time: they are connected.

To date, Schengen has managed to weather a migration crisis, several terrorist attacks and a pandemic because of two things: it involves the sharing of benefits and burdens; and it presupposes a high degree of mutual trust between its members.13 But that trust has eroded in recent years. And both the EU institutions and the member-states seem to have forgotten, or outright ignored, the compromises that are required to make Schengen work.

To benefit from the abolition of border controls between member-states, governments had to introduce so-called compensatory measures, like boosting controls on the EU’s external borders, exchanging law enforcement information through common databases and improving police and judicial co-operation between themselves.14 All these measures are based on the assumption that, by following common rules and standards, EU countries’ border, police and judicial systems will eventually become so similar that further checks will become unnecessary. This is the starting point of the AFSJ, which is based on the same principles as the original Schengen treaty (an inter-governmental treaty signed in 1985 and later expanded and transformed into EU law), but goes beyond it by including mechanisms for judicial co-operation in several areas of law, like criminal, civil and commercial law. These mechanisms include the EAW, which makes it easier to extradite criminals across the EU, and the European Investigation Order (EIO), which allows one country to carry out criminal investigations on behalf of another. Mutual recognition (in this case of each other’s goods and services) is also the modus operandi of the EU’s single market. Not coincidentally, both Schengen and the single market grew in parallel in the 1990s. 

Neither Schengen nor the EU’s single market can work without trust. While the single market seems unscathed for now (with the exception of Brexit and a continuing row over lower quality products making their way eastwards), things are not looking up for the AFSJ. It is becoming clear that – despite the AFSJ’s large body of common standards – countries have very different ideas about who should be allowed in and how; what an independent judiciary is; and what the relationship between EU law and national constitutions should be.

The EU does not need to come up with flashy new plans to reform Schengen every two or three years, as it has since the migration crisis. Instead, EU leaders should focus on the underlying problem: the waning trust between member-states and the impact this lack of trust has on the area of freedom, security and justice. 

WHY WANING TRUST IS A PROBLEM

Every EU crisis over the past ten years has been to some degree the result of diminishing trust between its member-states. Each of those crises has in turn fed suspicions and made countries more wary of each other. Not all the crises originate in the EU’s deficient AFSJ arrangements. But all of them have had an impact on the bloc’s area of freedom, security and justice. Take the eurozone crisis. Greece’s near-exit from the euro in 2015 unexpectedly shaped Europe’s initial response to the refugee crisis.15 In 2016, with Athens seemingly unable to control the massive flows of people trying to cross to Europe by sea, talk of a mini-Schengen, which would not include Greece, grew louder in the corridors of Brussels. Having once been accused of almost pushing Greece out of the single currency, then German Chancellor Angela Merkel was “determined not to let Greece fall again” in the words of one of her senior aides. To end the crisis without having to push Greece out of Schengen, Merkel struck a surprise deal with Turkey to return rejected asylum-seekers from Greece. 

Beyond the obvious blow to the European project, the most important consequence of the bloc’s gradual loss of mutual trust is that, eventually, it may lead to the exclusion of some EU countries from the Union’s common legal space. That space includes police and judicial co-operation but also the single market: goods, people and, to an extent, services and capital move freely in the EU because citizens and companies alike rely on EU-wide standards, including court rulings. If the judiciary gets captured in a member-state, both civil and criminal law co-operation will become more difficult; businesses will be wary of setting up shop in a country where they may be subject to arbitrary laws; and people’s personal decisions, on issues such as buying a house, having kids or changing jobs, will be affected too. 

The EU will not restore trust by laws or court rulings alone, because this is a political problem.

Currently, there is no formal mechanism in place to expel a country from the AFSJ. But there are two ways this can happen. The first is through a de facto exclusion of a member-state from EU judicial co-operation schemes. This is already happening when, for example, national courts stop the transfer of asylum-seekers from Germany and elsewhere back to Greece or Italy because of abysmal reception conditions. Another example is when courts in several EU countries refuse to extradite wanted people to a member-state where the courts are not perceived as independent, or where the government is distrusted by other member-states. After the UK triggered Article 50 of the Lisbon treaty to start its exit from the EU, several judges across the Union refused to extradite people there, as it was unclear whether EU law would apply to those suspected or convicted of crimes during and after Brexit. As the situation of the judiciary in Poland, Hungary and Romania has deteriorated, various European courts have refused extradition requests, as they considered that suspects’ fundamental rights might not be respected in those countries. While the ECJ has, for now, stopped blanket prohibitions on extradition (as opposed to decisions in individual cases) because of declining judicial standards, this may change in the future, especially if Poland continues openly to defy ECJ rulings.16 In any case, the Luxembourg court already allows member-states to suspend extradition if they have evidence that the rights of the suspect may not be respected – something which should not be too difficult to argue in view of the ECJ’s latest rulings on the independence of the Polish judiciary and the Commission’s own assessment of the situation in Poland, Hungary and Romania. 

The second way to suspend an EU country’s membership of the bloc’s single legal area is more tricky, but not impossible. In a recent paper for the Centre for European Political Studies (CEPS), a think-tank, respected Hungarian EU law professor Petra Bárd and former Polish Ombudsman Adam Bodnar argue that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s October ruling should trigger a formal suspension of all AFSJ laws based on mutual recognition in Poland.17 The authors suggest that this could be done either by the EU institutions or by the ECJ. There is no article in the treaties allowing for such a suspension. But there is no article in the treaties which explicitly rules it out, either – in fact, the European Parliament has suggested that the three EU institutions (Commission, Parliament and Council) could take such a decision, if they found ‘systemic deficiencies’ in a given country after conducting regular joint reviews of the state of the rule of law in each EU member-state.18 The ECJ could, on paper, issue a ruling after concluding one of the many cases it is now examining, declaring the suspension of one or more of these laws in certain member-states. But recent case law on the suspension of European Arrest Warrants in Poland indicates that this is unlikely to happen. 

The ECJ’s main problem is that, if it ruled that one or more EU laws were not applicable to an EU country because its courts lacked independence, this would make it very difficult for that country’s judges to seek the ECJ’s help when dealing with matters of EU law. All national courts are allowed to submit questions to the ECJ if they think there may be a contradiction between EU and national rules; or if they are looking to clarify obscure points of EU law. A ruling to exclude a country from mutual recognition laws would automatically imply that national judges would not be allowed to continue business as usual, including asking for preliminary rulings.19 This would have a ripple effect on the bloc: because the ECJ would not be able to interpret questions of EU law in one country, it would not be able to ensure the uniform application of EU law across all member-states.  

Suspending parts of the EU acquis would be difficult and may have unintended effects. For example, suspending membership of Schengen if a country cannot guarantee that its judiciary is fully independent would be a more effective stick than the Article 7 procedure and would ensure that Schengen rights and obligations are clear to all members. But such a move, even if temporary, would be tricky: one of the benefits of Schengen is that it makes it easier for European citizens to move around the Union, in turn boosting support for the EU project. 

The EU will not solve its trust problem by laws or court rulings alone, because this is a problem that stems from political, rather than legal, differences. Rebuilding trust will require a higher level of accountability over how AFSJ policies are enacted at a national level. The problem is not necessarily the result of bad faith. There is, more simply, a general lack of understanding of the provisions of the Union’s AFSJ and a lack of ambition to clarify them. Eventually, this could become a very big problem. If Europeans do not find a way to restore a shared understanding of the rules, trust that they will be enacted proportionately and that violations will be penalised, the EU’s fault lines will deepen and governments will further question the logic of open borders and security co-operation. Citizens may start to wonder what the point of the EU is, after all.  

In the future, the EU should focus on rethinking the way the AFSJ works and clarifying the compromises it involves. This is no easy task. But EU leaders and the EU institutions could find inspiration in one of the ways the Union dealt with the twin financial and eurozone crises in the first part of the last decade.

FINDING HOPE IN A STRANGE PLACE: HOW THE EUROZONE CRISIS COULD HELP FIX THE EU’S AREA OF FREEDOM, SECURITY AND JUSTICE 

In 2008, the world economy experienced a steep downturn when parts of the American and European financial sectors collapsed. In the EU, some member-states fared worse than others. In Greece, Portugal, Italy and Spain, the crisis exacerbated long-standing structural problems and added sky-rocketing public debt to create a perfect storm. Investors lost confidence in the creditworthiness of several of the EU’s member-states.20 As a result, many people lost trust in the eurozone altogether: the EU’s ambitious common currency came close to collapsing. 

The EU institutions should to do ‘whatever it takes’ to keep the AFSJ afloat.

In an attempt to lower public debt and to regain the confidence of financial markets, member-states imposed large cuts in public spending, which took a heavy economic toll on Southern European countries. The crisis forced leaders to confront the trade-offs inherent in the single currency – between shared rules, costs and benefits – and eventually, with a lot of help from the European Central Bank, they managed to stabilise the currency.

There are parallels between Schengen, and its accompanying AFSJ, and the eurozone. Both are extremely ambitious projects in the absence of an overarching federal state. Both feature consistently amongst the most popular aspects of the EU (a single currency and passport-free travel). And both have proved to be unprepared to absorb shocks (be it a global economic crisis, a pandemic or a sudden surge in migration); and are plagued by repeated failures of member-states to abide by the rules (on deficit and debt limits, border controls, or judicial independence). But while the euro crisis instilled a sense of doom in Europe’s political elites and forced them into action, this sense of urgency has so far been missing from the EU’s AFSJ. 

It is now time for the EU institutions to do ‘whatever it takes’ to keep the AFSJ afloat. A good starting point would be to set up a European Justice Semester for the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice. 

The financial and sovereign debt crises exposed the failures of the EU’s monetary and macroeconomic policies. To fix them, the Union changed fiscal rules and passed new laws governing the co-ordination of fiscal and macroeconomic policies. The EU also set up more stringent oversight mechanisms, for example the common supervision of Europe’s largest banks. To streamline the regular co-ordination of Europe’s economic policy, the EU created the European Semester. 

Starting in November each year, the European Commission, together with the Council of Ministers, scrutinise economic trends and individual member-states’ policies, and recommend areas for reform. EU countries then submit national plans to Brussels, explaining how they are going to follow the Commission’s recommendations. The recommendations cover a wide range of policies, from employment to childcare and civil justice. The Commission assesses the national plans, and issues specific recommendations to each of the EU-27 – and additional recommendations for eurozone members. The Council of Ministers then discusses the recommendations, which have to be endorsed by EU leaders before their adoption. In case of non-compliance, the EU can require additional monitoring, impose fines and even freeze EU funding to the offending country – though that has not yet happened. A decision to fine a country is deemed to be approved unless a qualified majority of member-states disagrees with it (a procedure known as reverse qualified majority voting). Countries which have signed the so-called Fiscal Compact, a treaty on fiscal stability, have also agreed that other decisions, such as deeming that one country has breached the rules, can also be taken by reverse qualified majority voting. 

The European Semester also has a role in the disbursement of the post-pandemic recovery fund to EU countries. To qualify for recovery money, EU countries need to send their national spending plans to the European Commission, which scrutinises them and decides whether or not to grant funding. To perform this analysis, the Commission looks at many indicators, including the European Semester’s country recommendations. If the national plans do not comply with the rules of the recovery fund, European Semester recommendations, and the rule of law provisions of the conditionality mechanism, the Commission may delay the release of funds or stop it altogether – as is currently the case with Hungary and Poland. 

A review mechanism called ‘European Justice Semester’ could combine elements of the European Semester and the recovery fund.

Of course, neither the EU’s economy nor the eurozone are perfect, nor have the new rules magically fixed all their problems. But, over time, EU leaders and the EU institutions realised that they could not rely on trust and outdated laws alone to keep the economy and the single currency going – they needed a renewed push to make all countries accountable for their actions. The European Semester is a small building block in the eurozone’s efforts to stabilise the currency. The EU’s post-pandemic recovery fund is taking accountability a step further by putting proper money behind a reform monitoring system. Countries are required to show how they are using the recovery money to reach the targets and milestones set by the Commission every six months. They are also required to prove that the money is properly audited and that they have made all the necessary reforms for the money to have a meaningful impact on society and the economy. In stark contrast with previous funds, if a country fails this test, the Commission and the Council of Ministers are allowed to stop payments until the errant member-state complies with the rules. 

A review mechanism, combining elements of the European Semester and the recovery fund, – a ‘European Justice Semester’ – could serve as a useful tool for the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice, for three reasons.  

First, it would help to establish a permanent and clearer link between policies related to Schengen – like the free movement of people or the sharing of police and intelligence information (which most countries like); and policies related to the wider area of freedom, security and justice – like the independence of the judiciary or common asylum and migration rules (which some countries do not like very much). Second, it would help solve what can be called the ‘Copenhagen paradox’, whereby democratic backsliding in some member-states means that, were they to apply to join the EU now, they would not meet the so-called Copenhagen criteria for accession on human rights and the rule of law. A regular overview of justice and home affairs policies would make it harder for countries to backslide. And third, it would allow the EU to anticipate, prepare and deal with issues of mutual trust better, before they become a Poland-sized problem and without having to resort to the ineffective Article 7 procedure for suspending voting rights in the Council. 

The legal basis for a European Justice Semester for the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice would be Article 70 of the Lisbon treaty. Article 70 allows the Commission and member-states to conduct a review of policies related to the area of freedom, security and justice, “in particular in order to facilitate full application of the principle of mutual recognition.” The treaty also says that both the European and national parliaments should be kept abreast of the reviews.

A European Justice Semester for the EU’s AFSJ should follow at least seven steps:

1. The EU should begin by defining the key elements of the area of freedom, security and justice and, more crucially, the rights and obligations attached to it. Member-states would need to revise the 1999 concept of the AFSJ to bring it line with current realities. This could include, for example, making it clear that Schengen is an integral part of the AFSJ and cannot be detached from other elements, like compliance with ECJ rulings or agreements on migration policies. The hard reality is that countries cannot have the benefits of passport-free travel without recognising the authority of the ECJ or applying migration laws that they themselves have approved in Brussels. 

EU leaders used to come up with multi-annual plans (‘programmes’) to set out the direction EU justice and home affairs should take. Over time, EU governments found these plans too onerous, so they quietly dropped them. Over the past seven years, there have been no policy guidelines on EU JHA beyond two Commission plans heavily focused on internal security matters (the 2015 European Security Agenda and the 2019 European Security Union). A renewed effort to make the AFSJ work, now and in the future, should come from EU leaders, not the European Commission. The European Council could hold a special summit on the future of JHA, as it did twice in the ten years after the birth of the AFSJ. 

At the summit, EU countries could debate, and decide, what they want to do with police and judicial co-operation, the Schengen area and the Union’s migration policies. This should be a frank and open conversation that could be informed by the conclusions of the Conference on the Future of Europe – an EU-wide public consultation process that is due to conclude in the spring of 2022. The result should be a baseline plan for the Union’s area of freedom, security and justice which should include a monitoring mechanism based on the eurozone’s European Semester and the post-pandemic recovery fund. This plan would need to be agreed by all EU member-states by consensus. If a broad agreement cannot be found, and some countries decide not to take part, the European Council may want to resort to an inter-governmental agreement, as it has done in the past on eurozone issues. This would be unideal, though – EU governments and the EU institutions, in particular the European Council, should try to get all member-states on board. Once the plan is in place, decisions should be taken either by qualified majority voting or by reverse qualified majority voting. 

JHA policies should reflect the experience of the economic side, where setting down too-specific targets became a headache.

2. Building on the European Council guidelines, the Council of Ministers, together with the European Commission, could set up a broad system of standards that all members of the club should abide by, with a clear warning that these standards are linked, and that failure to abide by some could lead to a range of penalties. Both the new concept and the list of standards should be approved by the European Parliament and endorsed by the European Council, to ensure broad political support and citizen engagement and to diminish the risk of non-compliance. 

3. On the basis of the list of standards, the European Commission could propose a review process similar to the European Semester. The Commission could monitor trends, for example on judicial reforms, and set clear guidelines every, say, 18 or 24 months. The Commission could use these guidelines to flag issues that it considers to be in violation of EU rules (for example, the Polish reform of the judiciary that discriminates between male and female judges) and to suggest ways to fix them. Once the Commission issues its guidelines, member-states would need to present their plans on a range of JHA policies (civil justice, criminal justice, the state of the judiciary, intelligence gathering, police practices and the status of asylum reception facilities, for example), which would then be discussed by the Council of Ministers and approved by the Commission. This is the type of peer review that Article 70 refers to. 

4. The Commission would then review the national plans and come up with country recommendations, broken up by chapters (civil justice, criminal justice, border controls, fundamental rights and so on). The recommendations would need to be approved by the Council of Ministers by qualified majority voting (without the vote of the country in question).

5. Member-states would commit to implementing the recommendations during the rest of the policy cycle. This step would be different from the European Semester in two ways: first, unlike with the Semester, EU countries would have to explicitly say that they would follow the recommendations each time; second, JHA policies are not budgets requiring annual approval, so a European Justice Semester experiment could run for longer periods, of, say, 18-24 months. 

6. National governments and the European Commission could set up dedicated teams to ensure regular communication between the EU institutions and EU capitals. An early warning mechanism to spot problems before they become unmanageable could also be part of the plan. The mechanism could be similar to the six-month review devised for the disbursement of the recovery fund. 

7. The most difficult part of the exercise would be to agree on, and enforce, sanctions. JHA policies should reflect the experience of the economic side, where setting down too-specific targets has become a major headache for policy-makers. The current debate over the suspended Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) is a case in point: the SGP fixes targets for government deficits and debt. But the rules have proven to be unhelpful in recessions. EU countries froze the Pact when the COVID-19 pandemic hit and are starting to consider reforms to the fiscal rules and when to reactivate them. JHA policy-makers should avoid such hard targets, which would do little to mend wounds or make the AFSJ more resilient to crises. 

As a first step, EU member-states should agree on a warning procedure that would apply to countries which have been found to deviate from the standards repeatedly. The Commission and the Council of Ministers, acting by reverse qualified majority voting, could, for example, decide to apply the procedure to a country which had failed to address recommendations twice in a row (that would be two cycles of 18-24 months). The country could respond by amending its actions or face the suspension of EU funds, also agreed by the Council by reverse qualified majority voting. 

Ultimately, EU countries will have to decide whether they want to impose more serious consequences on countries which repeatedly fail to abide by the rules. Radical solutions, like suspending parts of EU law for recalcitrant members, may be tempting but will be difficult to apply in practice and might backfire. 

A more workable idea would be to ‘freeze’ the application of specific laws, like the EAW or EIO. To be effective in discouraging governments from behaving badly, such a freeze should be swiftly agreed upon by reverse qualified majority voting if a country persists in breaching EU rules for a long time; or if the behaviour is serious enough to put the whole AFSJ at risk. To target unruly governments without punishing citizens, any suspension of certain parts of the acquis should never amount to a total exclusion of one member-state from the EU’s common legal area: all national courts should be able to resort to the ECJ when they need to; and no EU citizen should lose the right of effective judicial protection at the EU level as a result of their government’s actions. 

This roadmap would build on existing EU initiatives like the rule of law mechanism (a dialogue between the EU institutions, national governments and civil society about the state of the rule of law in the member-states) and the Schengen evaluation process (a peer review of the way countries apply Schengen laws in their territory, which the Commission has recently proposed to expand). It could scrap existing but inefficient initiatives like the justice scoreboard, by streamlining the oversight of the judiciary across member-states while still taking into account different legal traditions.21 It would also include more recent developments like rule of law conditionality. 

If countries do not accept that membership of Schengen brings both rights and obligations, the project may fail.

To work, a European Justice Semester cannot be a purely procedural plan, driven solely by the EU institutions. Such a plan would need the highest political backing every step of the way, and this will not be easy. The one lesson Europe has learnt from the SGP problems is that no-one can resolve an ambitious political challenge, like the euro, with a non-political solution. Any plan to build back trust in the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice should ideally include all member-states. It would only be a distant second best if it was restricted to a handful of member-states. Although once up and running a European Justice Semester could bypass blocking minorities, its basis would need a general consensus on the direction that the EU wants to take when it comes to its area of freedom, security and justice.

A European Justice Semester would need broad public support. The EU’s response to the eurozone crisis may have ultimately helped to avert the demise of the single currency, but it was deeply unpopular in many member-states on account of the pain caused by austerity and economic dogmatism. While some EU leaders remain stubbornly fond of fiscal measures, the pandemic has made their case weaker: the recovery fund has opened the door for a new way to help troubled countries while making them accountable for their actions – by making the fund performance-based. As a result, both Southern and Northern governments (and their voters) have been – touch wood – fairly cheerful about it, as it has something for every-one. A European Justice Semester would need to focus on performance, solidarity and accountability if it is to enjoy broad support across the EU. 

CONCLUSION

Some EU governments complain that the EU they joined was about passport-free travel, a budding common currency and the world’s largest single market. The contract they signed said nothing about same-sex marriages, judicial reform or women’s rights. This argument may be illiberal but is not entirely untrue: Europe has changed drastically over the past 20 years. The problem with this line of thought is that it fails to grasp that governments and institutions must and will adapt to a changing society. 

So far, the EU’s area of freedom, security and justice has failed to keep pace with a changing world: for the most part, the AFSJ remains stuck at the beginning of the century, when all EU countries seemed to be happy to increase police and judicial co-operation and did not contemplate border closures or democratic backsliding. This, in turn, has increasingly made the AFSJ unable to deal with a succession of crises, each of which has made EU countries less trusting of each other. EU leaders must understand that if countries do not accept that being part of Schengen brings both rights and obligations, the project may fail – or, at the very least, become smaller.

NOTES

 1: European Commission, ‘Standard Eurobarometer 95 – Spring 2021’, September 2021.
2: Sophia Besch, Ian Bond and Camino Mortera-Martínez, ´Plugging in the British: Completing the circuit´, CER policy brief, June 22nd 2018.
3: Article 2 Treaty on European Union, 1997. The Amsterdam treaty was signed in 1997 but only entered into force in 1999.
4: Viktor Orbán, Speech at the 25th Bálványos Free Summer University, July 26th 2014. 
5: Both the Commission and the European Parliament can trigger Article 7 when they consider that there is a clear risk that a member-state may breach one or more of the EU´s founding values. These are listed in Article 2 of the Lisbon Treaty and are: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities among others. Once the proceeding is launched, it is up to the Council of Ministers to impose sanctions.
6: After coming to power in 2015, Law and Justice and its coalition partners launched a major overhaul of Poland’s judiciary. First, the government packed the Constitutional Court with friendly judges; second, the government revamped the judiciary’s governing body, the National Judiciary Council, and changed how both ordinary courts and the Supreme Court functioned. The reform also lowered the retirement age of judges, which allowed the government to force out magistrates seen as hostile to it and replace them with younger, pro-government judges. Further reforms introduced disciplinary procedures that could be used against judges who wanted to apply certain EU laws, or submit preliminary questions to the European Court of Justice  – an important feature of the EU’s legal system. 
7: In December 2016, the Danish Supreme Court ruled that EU principles deriving from ECJ rulings should not be applicable in Denmark, as they do not derive from the EU treaties. In May 2020, the German Constitutional Court ruled that the ECJ had overstepped its power when it ruled that the European Central Bank’s public sector purchase programme (PSPP) was legal. In April 2021, the French Conseil d’État (France’s highest administrative court) ruled that French intelligence services could breach EU laws protecting privacy because the EU does not have equivalent laws protecting citizens’ safety. In June 2021, the Romanian Constitutional Court said that the Romanian constitution should always have primacy over EU law; and that an ECJ ruling saying that Romania’s recent judicial reform was against EU law was not enforceable in Romania. 
8: Camino Mortera-Martínez, ´Catch me if you can: The European Arrest Warrant and the end of mutual trust´, CER insight, April 1st 2019.
9: Wester van Gaal: ‘Slovenia finally appoints ‘temporary’ EPPO prosecutors’, EU Observer, November 19th 2021.
10: Some member-states, like Sweden, introduced border controls in 2015 following the EU’s migration crisis and have not lifted them since. 
11: Camino Mortera-Martínez: ‘Will the coronavirus pandemic deliver a coup de grâce to Schengen?’, CER bulletin article, September 20th 2020. 
12: Hugo Brady, ‘Openness versus helplessness: Europe’s 2015-2017 border crisis’, Groupe d’études géopolitiques, June 28th 2021. 
13: Raoul Ueberecken, ‘Schengen reloaded’, CER policy brief, November 11th 2019.  
14: Ueberecken, ‘Schengen reloaded’.
15: Agata Gostyńska-Jakubowska and Camino Mortera-Martínez: ‘Thomas Cromwell or the executioner’s axe? Options for a Grexit’, CER insight, July 10th 2015.
16: See, for example, the following ECJ cases: joined Cases C-404/15 and C-659/15, Aranyosi and Căldăraru; case C‑216/18, LM; and joined cases C‑354/20 and C‑412/20, L and P. The Dutch government is pushing for a blanket ban on extradition to Poland in an ongoing case before the ECJ – C-562/21 Openbaar Ministerie.
17: Petra Bárd and Adam Bodnar: ‘The end of an era: The Polish Constitutional Court’s judgment on the primacy of EU law and its effects on mutual trust’, CEPS, October 25th 2021.
18: Committee on civil liberties, justice and home affairs: ‘Report on the establishment of an EU mechanism on democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights’, European Parliament, 2020/2072(INL), September 29th 2020.
19: Lukas Märtin: ‘Das Damoklesschwert über der europäischen Rechtsordnung: Vom europäischen Haftbefehl und der Gefahr der Verrechtlichung politischer Konflikte’, Verfassungsblog, December 1st 2021.
20: Marcin Szczepanski, ‘A decade on from the crisis: Main responses and remaining challenges’, European Parliamentary Research Service, October 17th 2019.
21: The justice scoreboard is a Commission-led review of the performance of national judiciaries. To do this, the Commission decides on a set of indicators, often not comparable, across member states and assesses them against a set of pre-decided criteria. Member-states are often reluctant to provide information to the Commission and regularly argue that the scoreboard does not take into account different legal traditions across the EU. 

VERFASSUNGSBLOG : Time to Rewrite the EU Directive on Combating Terrorism

by Martin Scheinin and Tarik Gherbaoui

The adoption of EU Directive 2017/541 on combating terrorism in March 2017 has profoundly changed the landscape of European counter-terrorism law. The primary aim of this Directive was to further harmonise the legal framework under which terrorist offences are prosecuted across EU Member States by establishing minimum rules and standards. However, the adverse consequences for the rule of law and human rights have been overlooked from the very outset by the EU institutions. Now, five years after its adoption, it is time for a thorough revision.

A Rushed Adoption Process

The adoption process of the Directive was characterised by long periods of inertia interrupted by phases of panic triggered by external developments. In fact, the European Commission introduced its proposal for the Directive, which builds upon the pre-Lisbon Framework Decision (2002/475/JHA) adopted in the aftermath of 9/11, less than three weeks after the terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015. Later on, its rushed and opaque finalisation was a political response to the flow of European foreign fighters to the armed conflict in Syria and Iraq. Even though the transnational nature of the foreign fighter phenomenon arguably warrants a pan-European response, from the very outset academics and civil society organisations raised fundamental concerns about the Directive’s potentially adverse rule of law and human rights implications.

As there was no human rights impact assessment during the rushed adoption process, in deviation from both the European Agenda on Security and the Better Regulation Agenda, the Directive ultimately came to include a clause providing for a five-year review. On 18 November 2021, the European Commission submitted a report to the European Parliament and the Council on the implementation of the Directive that assesses the added value of the Directive. The report also claims to address ‘the impact of the Directive on fundamental rights and freedoms, including on non-discrimination, the rule of law, and the level of protection and assistance provided to victims of terrorism’. Such impact assessment is amply warranted and arguably already overdue.

Human Rights Concerns Regarding the Implementation of the Directive

The Commission’s recent report provides a seemingly positive yet largely unsubstantiated assessment of the impact of the Directive. The report finds inter alia that the Directive is ‘overall highly relevant’ and ‘overall internally coherent’, and that it ‘achieved its objectives to a satisfactory extent’ and ‘generated added value’. The Commission’s report claims that ‘while the Directive has had an impact on fundamental rights and freedoms, the limitations largely meet the requirements of necessity and proportionality’. The report also asserts that ‘overall, most stakeholders consulted for the external study did not consider the implementation of the Directive to be problematic from a fundamental rights perspective’. At closer examination, such as the one conducted by the first author of this blog post in his recently approved PhD thesis, these assessments may be too positive.

One of these stakeholders was the EU Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) which had submitted its own contribution to the Commission as part of the legally required impact assessment of the Directive. The FRA report contains a fairly detailed but primarily empirical rather than legal assessment of the Directive’s human rights implications based on extensive fieldwork, including interviews with experts and practitioners, in seven EU Member States (Belgium, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Hungary and Sweden). The Commission’s report takes note of the findings of the FRA report but blatantly fails to engage with them. As member of the FRA Scientific Committee that reviews draft versions of FRA reports and publications, and having served as one of the Committee’s two rapporteurs in the matter, the second author of this blog post is well aware of the fact that the Scientific Committee would have wanted the FRA to complement the empirically oriented FRA report with more extensive critical legal analysis of the human rights compatibility of the Directive itself.

The Directive has three key features that have adverse ramifications on the rule of law and human rights: (1) the presence of an overly capacious definition of terrorism that manifestly deviates from UN-level definitions of terrorism (e.g. Security Council Resolution 1566 or the 1999 Terrorism Financing Convention) and from the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention of Terrorism, (2) the criminalisation of many preparatory acts that may be remote from intrinsically harmful conduct, and (3) the existence of ancillary offences that are also accumulable among each other. While monitoring the implementation of the Directive, the Commission has assessed these features individually but has failed to address how the interplay between these key features exacerbates the adverse human rights implications. For example, there might be pertinent reasons to criminalise ‘travelling abroad for a terrorist purpose’ as a terrorist offence. However, the ‘terrorist purpose’, which constitutes the entire mens rea of this particular offence, is tainted by an overly broad definition of terrorism that also fits poorly with acts committed in situations of armed conflict. For European countries, the three main international legal instruments concerning the foreign (terrorist) fighter phenomenon – UN Security Council Resolution 2178, the Additional Protocol to the Council of Europe Convention on Prevention of Terrorism, and the EU Directive discussed here – all seek to address the same conduct but are mutually incompatible as to whether acts committed in the course of engaging in an armed conflict will be within the scope of application of the instrument. Because of the nebulous definitions contained in the Directive, it is unsurprising that the Commission’s report flags that ‘several national authorities and judges reported difficulties in proving terrorist intent’.

In this matter the Commission’s report fails to address in an adequate fashion the legal uncertainty clouding Recital 37 of the Preamble of the Directive. This provision contains an exclusion clause stipulating that the Directive ‘does not govern the activities of armed forces during periods of armed conflict’. In recent years, EU Member States have predominantly used counter-terrorism law to address the activities of foreign (terrorist) fighters, individuals who have been active in the context of an armed conflict but may or may not have committed actual acts of terrorism. The result has been a further conflation between counter-terrorism law and the laws of war, generally to the detriment of the latter. Taking stock of the Directive’s implementation, and a reform of the Directive itself, would be a perfect moment to provide the necessary clarifications to guide prosecutors and judges at the domestic level. Currently prosecutions related to violent acts committed in the course of an armed conflict abroad may often result in acquittal, simply because the prosecutor’s case rests on specific provisions of the Directive and their national transposition, without paying attention to Recital 37 which then is invoked by the defence to challenge the applicability of terrorism charges in respect of conduct that took place as part of an armed conflict.

The Fragmented Transposition and Implementation of the Directive

Due to these human rights concerns and the political sensitivity of countering terrorism, it is hardly surprising that the implementation of the Directive has been rather troublesome until now. The FRA report affirms that the Directive contains loose definitions that reduce ‘legal clarity’ and result in ‘diverging interpretations of the offences across the EU, as well as conflicting jurisprudence within individual Member States, and reduce the foreseeability of what behaviour is criminalised and under what offence’.

Earlier, in September 2020, the European Commission had released its own report on the transposition of the Directive which made clear that transposition has proved to be particularly challenging regarding Article 3, which requires EU Member states to criminalise certain conduct as terrorist offences and essentially contains the EU definition of terrorism, and regarding Article 9, which contains the offence of travelling abroad for terrorist purposes. As these two provisions have both been indispensable elements of the EU’s legal response to terrorism in recent years, the Commission is concerned that their incorrect transposition risks undermining the uniformity of EU counter-terrorism law. Yet, instead of seeking to address the fundamental concerns that evidently exist among lawmakers and policymakers across numerous EU Member States and in fact point to major flaws in the Directive itself, the Commission decided to use its enforcement powers and has opened infringement procedures against 22 Member States. As Ireland and Denmark decided to opt out of the Directive, this means that infringement procedures have been started against 22 of the 25 Member States that are required to implement the Directive.

While such infringement procedures might help to clarify certain points of law, especially were they to result in a determination by the CJEU, it is high time to have a transparent and constructive legal and political discussion about the flaws of the EU Directive itself now that March 2022 marks five years since its adoption. We understand that the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE Committee) will meet in February or March to discuss the Commission’s report on the implementation and added value of the Directive. That would be an excellent occasion to take a critical look at the several legal flaws of the Directive as a reason for its so far marginal ‘added value’, instead of following the rather self-congratulatory approach of the Commission’s report which elliptically concludes that the Directive ‘has functioned and largely achieved its objectives in the way that was expected’.

“Person identification, human rights and ethical principles: Rethinking biometrics in the era of artificial intelligence”

STUDY (*) : European Parliament Research Service (EPRS) 16/12/2021

ABSTRACT : As the use of biometrics becomes commonplace in the era of artificial intelligence (AI), this study aims to identify the impact on fundamental rights of current and upcoming developments, and to put forward relevant policy options at European Union (EU) level.

Taking as a starting point the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down harmonised rules on AI, presented by the European Commission in April 2021, the study reviews key controversies surrounding what the proposal addresses through the notions of ‘remote biometric identification’ (which most notably includes live facial recognition), ‘biometric categorisation’ and so-called ’emotion recognition’.

Identifying gaps in the proposed approaches to all these issues, the study puts them in the context of broader regulatory discussions. More generally, the study stresses that the scope of the current legal approach to biometric data in EU law, centred on the use of such data for identification purposes, leaves out numerous current and expected developments that are not centred on the identification of individuals, but nevertheless have a serious impact on their fundamental rights and democracy.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This study explores biometrics in the era of artificial intelligence (AI), focusing on the connections between person identification, human rights and ethical principles. As such, it covers a subject of the greatest political and societal prominence. Among the many controversies in this area, certainly one of the most salient is the discussion surrounding facial recognition, and more specifically about the potential risks stemming from the use of live facial recognition technology in public spaces. The potentially negative impact of the widespread use of such technology has indeed mobilised a strong response from parts of civil society in Europe and globally.

From a policy and legislative viewpoint, in the European Union (EU) this discussion is currently being framed in terms of regulating possible uses of remote biometric identification. Live facial recognition technology uses facial templates that allow for the unique identification of individuals, and thus constitute – due to such capability for ‘unique identification’ – biometric data for the purposes of applicable EU data protection law.

For many years, the exploration of possible normative frameworks to accompany and duly channel the advent of AI has primarily turned around ethical considerations and principles. In 2020, however, the European Commission started openly and decidedly moving towards the adoption of a new legal framework for AI as main priority in this regard. For this purpose, the European Commission notably published in April 2021 a proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down harmonised rules on AI (COM(2021) 206 final) (hereafter also ‘the proposed AI act’ or ‘the proposed AIA’).

The proposal puts forward rules that apply to a variety of AI systems. Demonstrating the importance of biometric technologies, three types of AI systems, explicitly defined in the proposal and subject to specific rules, are in fact defined in the very text of the proposal on the basis of their connection with biometric data: these are ‘remote biometric identification systems’, ’emotion recognition systems’ and ‘biometric categorisation systems’:

  • remote biometric identification systems are defined as AI systems used ‘for the purpose of identifying natural persons at a distance through the comparison of a person’s biometric data with the biometric data contained in a reference database, and without prior knowledge of the user of the AI system whether the person will be present and can be identified’;
  • emotion recognition systems are defined as AI systems used ‘for the purpose of identifying or inferring emotions or intentions of natural persons on the basis of their biometric data’, and
  • biometric categorisation systems are defined as AI systems used ‘for the purpose of assigning natural persons to specific categories, such as sex, age, hair colour, eye colour, tattoos, ethnic origin or sexual or political orientation, on the basis of their biometric data’.

These notions are however not yet fully consolidated at EU level, and thus one of the objectives of the study is to unpack their rationale, scope and possible limitations.

The proposed regulation defines ‘biometric data’ as ‘personal data resulting from specific technical processing relating to the physical, physiological or behavioural characteristics of a natural person, which allow or confirm the unique identification of that natural person, such as facial images or dactyloscopic data’ (COM(2021) 206 final 42). This definition of biometric data is exactly the same as the one featured in the main instruments of EU data protection law, where the processing of biometric data for the purpose of uniquely identifying a natural person is regarded as constituting the processing of a special category of data that deserves the most stringent level of protection.

Scope and structure of the study

This study has been prepared on the basis of desk research. The focus of the study is the EU framework, although due consideration has also been given to international developments when relevant. The study first provides an overview of current trends in biometrics and AI, including technological considerations and information about notable uses, as well as specific information in relation to remote biometric identification, emotion recognition and biometric categorisation. Second, it presents the regulatory framework, illustrating that ongoing developments in the area of biometrics and AI do not occur in a legal vacuum, but amid pre-existing legal provisions and overarching EU fundamental rights obligations. Third, it reviews current policy discussions, in particular in the EU and as embodied by the European Commission’s proposal for a regulation on AI, and then puts forward policy options.

Biometrics and AI

Biometric data are increasingly used in a great variety of contexts. At EU level, the processing of biometric data has been actively encouraged and directly supported over the past years in the context of EU-level large-scale information technology (IT) systems in the area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ). These systems, initially set up by the EU for asylum and migration management but increasingly also serving internal security, almost systematically rely on the massive collection of biometric data.

The review of ongoing technological and societal developments at the crossroads of biometrics and AI shows that, although identification is a crucial notion for biometrics, there are many developments aimed not primarily at identification but at the categorisation of individuals, assigning them to different categories, for instance on the basis of age or gender. It is however not always clear how the processing occurring for the purposes of categorisation is linked to identification, or to what extent such practices can always be separated.

Most notably, it is sometimes unclear, first, whether the data processed for categorisation purposes concern an identified or identifiable person at all, and whether such data should thus be regarded as personal data for the purposes of EU law. Second, it is sometimes unclear whether the data at stake – which often relate to the body – constitute or not biometric data, which requires taking into account whether the data allow for the identification of the individual (even if they are processed for the purpose of categorisation). Complicating the situation further, sometimes the categorisation of individuals is in practice a step taken towards their identification.

Regulatory framework

There is currently no European legislation relating exclusively to biometrics. The most directly relevant specific rules of EU law are to be found in EU data protection law. In addition, the whole existing EU fundamental rights architecture is fully applicable to the use of biometric technologies.

A review of this architecture and of the most relevant rules on biometrics and on automated decision-making in EU data protection law, as well as of the most important case law in this area emanating from the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), shows that ongoing technological developments are taking place amid – and possibly also somehow despite existing rights and principles, which might thus possibly need to be reinforced, clarified, or at least fine-tuned.

Impact on fundamental rights

AI-enabled biometric technologies pose significant risks to numerous fundamental rights, but also to democracy itself. In this sense, for instance, the pervasive tracking of individuals in public spaces constitutes not only a major interference with their rights to respect for private life and to the protection of personal data, but can also impact negatively on their rights to freedom of expression, and to freedom of assembly and association, altering the way in which certain individuals and groups are able to exercise social and political protest. The deployment of facial recognition technologies during peaceful assemblies can discourage individuals from attending them, limiting the potential of participatory democracy. Bias and discrimination are a well-documented issue in this field, and can be the result of a variety of factors.

Different uses of biometric technologies can have different specific types of impact on fundamental rights. The deployment of remote biometric identification in public spaces, in this sense, is particularly problematic as it potentially concerns the processing of individuals’ data – without their cooperation or knowledge, on a massive scale.

Regulatory trends and discussions

There is an ongoing – even if not fully systematic – shift from the discussion of ethical frameworks for AI to the regulation of AI systems by law. It appears nevertheless clear to many actors that an improved framework is needed to guarantee the fairness, transparency and accountability of AI systems, an objective that can be pursued by enhancing representation at various levels of decision-making.

Developments in the United States (US) are numerous and illustrate a variety of approaches, most notably targeting facial recognition. In Europe, the Council of Europe has been particularly active in this area and is currently working on a possible new legal framework at its level for the development, design and application of AI, based on recognised Council of Europe standards in the field of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. In 2021, there was registered a European citizens’ initiative named ‘Civil society initiative for a ban on biometric mass surveillance practices’, calling for strict regulation of the use of biometric technologies in order to avoid undue interference with fundamental rights.

The European Commission published its proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down harmonised rules on AI (COM(2021) 206 final) on 21 April 2021. The proposal is based on Articles 16 and 114 of the TFEU, on personal data protection and the internal market, respectively. The proposed AI regulation prohibits the use of some AI systems (listed in the proposed Article 5), and qualifies other AI systems as ‘high-risk’, detailing the rules applicable to such ‘high-risk’ systems.

The area of biometric identification and categorisation of natural persons is in principle ‘high risk’, but under this heading (heading 1), only a concrete group of AI systems are mentioned: ‘AI systems intended to be used for the ‘real-time’ and ‘post’ remote biometric identification of natural persons’. There is, however, no reference to biometric categorisation being recognised as ‘high risk’. Potentially, it is possible to imagine there might exist AI systems that involve the processing of biometric data in all other areas listed as ‘high risk’.

The AI regulation proposed by the European Commission foresees, as a general principle, ‘the prohibition of the use of ‘real-time’ remote biometric identification systems in publicly accessible spaces for the purpose of law enforcement‘. Nevertheless, such real-time remote biometric identification systems can be used as far as such use is strictly necessary for certain objectives and under certain conditions.

The proposed AI regulation explicitly excludes from its scope of application AI systems that are components of existing and upcoming EU-wide large-scale IT systems, if the systems were placed on the market or put into service during the first year of application of the regulation, or before that date. This rule would, however, not be applicable if the legal acts establishing such EU-wide large-scale IT systems would lead ‘to a significant change in the design or intended purpose of the AI system or AI systems concerned’ (proposed Article 83(1) AIA). The proposed text notes, despite the proposed regulation not being applicable as such to the systems mentioned, that the requirements that it lays down must ‘be taken into account, where applicable’ in the evaluation of these large-scale IT systems as provided for in those respective acts (idem), but it is unclear what such ‘taking into account’ would imply.

Policy options

In light of the findings of the study, the following policy options are put forward:

Delimit better the regulation of biometrics and biometric data: the proposed AIA reproduces the definition of ‘biometric data’ present in EU data protection law since 2016. The interpretation of the definition is not completely clear, and there are significant uncertainties as to how to apply EU data protection rules to biometric data. The definition, in any case, does not appear to cover all the problematic practices that are often framed in the literature and even by policy-makers as related to biometrics. It is thus important to shed further light on the scope and relevance of the definition, but also to think critically about the impact of conditioning some other notions put forward in the AIA (such as ‘biometric categorisation’ or ’emotion recognition’) to the processing of biometric data defined in such a way.

Improve the future qualification of new AI systems as high-risk: it is necessary to envisage a faster, clearer and accessible path to qualifying additional AI systems as high-risk systems in the future. Civil society organisations could be given a role to raise the alarm of major risks, especially insofar as the affected persons would potentially be in vulnerable positions.

Explicitly ban certain uses of live facial recognition: the proposed AI regulation fails to prohibit real-time remote biometric identification in public spaces for law enforcement purposes, despite conceding that it triggers even more risks than ‘high-risk’ AI systems. The regulation should at least formally and effectively ban the persistent tracking of individuals in public spaces by means of remote biometric identification, as it has major consequences for fundamental rights and democracy.

Regulate ‘post’ remote biometric identification in the same manner as ‘real-time’ remote biometric identification: the proposed AI regulation fails to address properly the risks connected with the retroactive identification, using facial recognition, of individuals whose images have been recorded while they were in public spaces. In practice, the risk of persistent tracking and its associated adverse impact on fundamental rights and democracy are, however, at least equivalent to the risk associated with ‘real-time’ remote biometric identification. ‘Post’ remote biometric identification of natural persons recorded while in public spaces should be subject to the same rules as the ‘real-time’ equivalent.

Establish at EU level the necessary safeguards for real-time remote biometric identification: the proposed AI regulation leaves it up to the Member States to define, by law the exact conditions for the use of in principle prohibited but actually permitted real-time remote biometric identification in public spaces for law enforcement purposes. The only detailed condition is the need for prior authorisation granted by a judicial authority or by an independent administrative authority. Substantive safeguards for the prohibited but exceptionally permitted uses of real-time remote biometric identification, if any, must be specified at EU level in the future AIA itself, as opposed to being left to the discretion of the Member States.

Ban AI systems assigning to categories that constitute sensitive data based on biometric data: the proposed AI regulation gives a definition of ‘biometric categorisation system’ that is unclear and conceptually problematic, most notably to the extent that it seems to endorse the idea that it is possible – scientifically, ethically and legally – to use AI systems to assign natural persons to a sexual or a political orientation. If a reference to the use of similar AI systems persists in the draft, it should be phrased clearly as a prohibition.

Clarify the regulation of ’emotion recognition’: the status of ’emotion recognition’ in the proposal for a regulation on AI is not entirely clear. The proposed definition of emotion recognition seems to imply that emotions and intentions of individuals can be inferred from biometric data. This would only possibly make sense if biometric data are understood in a broad sense, not limited to data concerned with the unique identification of individuals. In addition, the list of high-risk systems in Annex III includes various references to systems used ‘to detect the emotional state of a natural person’, without clarifying if these would correspond to what is defined as ’emotion recognition’ systems or would potentially be something else.

Increase transparency towards individuals as a necessary means to guarantee rights and remedies: the proposed AI regulation privileges imposing obligations on actors other than the users of AI systems, who are only subject to a limited number of provisions. The use of extremely high-risk systems in particular should be conditioned to additional obligations imposed on users towards individuals, notably in terms of transparency both prior to the use and during the use. Transparency is crucial for the exercise of rights and the effectiveness of remedies. Limitations to transparency should be compensated with measures that guarantee the accountability of such limitations.

Do not allow for special exemptions to general rules for EU large-scale databases: the use of biometrics and AI in EU large-scale IT systems is massive, raising serious risks for fundamental rights. The fact that the European Commission’s proposal for a regulation on AI deliberately leaves out of its scope of application certain AI systems to be used in the AFSJ is of great concern. It is essential that large-scale IT systems in the AFSJ comply fully with the highest standards of EU law.

LINK TO THE FULL STUDY LINK TO THE ANNEX

(*) This study has been written by Professor Gloria González Fuster and Michalina Nadolna Peeters of the Law, Science, Technology and Society (LSTS) Research Group at Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB) at the request of the Panel for the Future of Science and Technology (STOA) and managed by the Scientific Foresight Unit, within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament.

Belarus Crisis : Should also the European Parliament ask the Commission to withdraw its art.78.3 TFEU Proposal ?

by Emilio DE CAPITANI

On Wednesday 15th following Council and Commission statements a Plenary debate is foreseen on a  Legislative proposal by the European Commission for a “COUNCIL DECISION on provisional emergency measures for the benefit of Latvia, Lithuania and Poland” (2021/0401(CNS) COM(2021) 752). The proposal has been referred to the Civil Liberties Committee (LIBE) and the legal basis is the art.78.3 of the TFEU according to which: «In the event of one or more Member States being confronted by an emergency situation characterized by a sudden inflow of nationals of third countries, the Council, on a proposal from the Commission, may adopt provisional measures for the benefit of the Member State(s) concerned.”

  1. On the choice of art. 78.3 as legal basis 

The first point to be evaluated by the EP is if the chosen legal basis is appropriate and justified bearing in mind that the so called “sudden inflow of third Country nationals” started five months ago and has substantially decreased in the recent weeks (also because of the EU diplomatic and political pressure exerted on Belarusian authorities). Are still today Poland Lithuania, and Latvia in an emergency situation? This is apparently no more the case even for the Members of the  European Commission who some days ago didn’t qualify it as a migration crisis, declared that the situation was easing, and even that the influx of migrants to Minsk “has more or less stopped totally.”

If so, the chosen legal basis of art.78.3 which under exceptional  circumstances unsettles on a temporary basis the institutional balance and the principle of “separation of powers” in the EU is no more appropriate. Choosing art.78.3 should remain the Ultima Ratio and the EP should continue playing fully his Constitutional responsibilities and a co-decisive role in a domain where the EU intervention is deemed to give specific expression fundamental rights such as the right to asylum or the non-refoulement obligation. Furthermore excluding the European Parliament by maintaining the current art.78.3 legal basis will also be extremely prejudicial to the EP credibility also because the draft Decision intend to amend even if on a temporary basis some pieces of EU legislation hardly negotiated and adopted by the EP.

Under these circumstances it could be wise for the EP to decide on the position to be taken if maintaining or not art.78.3 as a legal basis only after having verified on the ground and with the EU Member States concerned what is the current state of things.

  • Can an “Hybrid war” justify the violation of fundamental rights ?

For the EU and its Member States this may look as a rhetorical question but in the case of the Belarus crisis is not. As recently  stated by several ONGs, “while the people in the middle of the crisis are being used as parties in the conflict between the EU and Belarus which has a security dimension, the people themselves are not a security threat, and should neither be referred to nor be treated by either side as though they were a weapon.” Migrants not being themselves a security threat it is important that , at least the EU and Its Member States respect the EU and international law according to which everyone seeking asylum at the borders, irrespective of the manner of their arrival, has the right to make an asylum application. As a consequence access to asylum in Poland, Lithuania and Latvia should be restored both in law and in practice.

The state of emergency declared by the EU Member States blocking  the arrival of civilian and vulnerable people may become an overreaction as it is preventing people from reaching the EU’s territory. Seeking asylum is a fundamental right and non-refoulement is a non-derogable principle that must be observed even in times of emergency.

The use of force, conducting push-backs, prohibiting asylum applications from being lodged through limiting effective access to the procedure via geographical restrictions on where claims can be lodged, are practices incompatible with international and EU law.

As denounced by Human Rights Watch these clear violations of the law by Belarus could not justify a similar behavior by the EU Member States on the other side of the border.

This is notably the case of Poland whose Parliament has decided that migrants can be « pushed back » to the Border and that their asylum requests can be ignored.

Morevoer the fact that the ECHR has adopted not less than 47 Interim Measures in conformity with art.39 of the ECHR to block several refoulements (now  called “push backs”) as it is the silence of the European Commission (so called “Guardian of the Treaties”) on the same facts.

  • How EU Solidarity may be decisive to overcome the Belarus crisis ?

Unfortunately migratory and Asylum Crisis are not new in the EU History. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the adoption of the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam the EU has played a growing role in helping its member states in moment of emergency and crisis. Already in 2001 an EU Directive (still into force) has been adopted to face situations where a mass influx of people could push under pressure the Member States Asylum services. In these cases a temporary humanitarian protection may be granted for the time necessary to examine the request for asylum,  and a relocation mechanism is foreseen to share the burden with the other EU Member States. This very notion of EU solidarity is now mirrored in art. 80 of the TFEU and has been the background of the relocations measures adopted in 2015 to help Italy and Greece which were under the pressure of the migrants escaping the Syrian War.

Quite surprisingly the European Commission has not yet foreseen a similar initiative to support Lithuania, Latvia and Poland by relocating in other EU countries, (even on a voluntary basis) the migrants stranded at the Belarus Border.

For the time being the solidarity  has been of financial nature and €360 million have been allocated to these Member States under the Border Management and Visa Instrument (BMVI) for this financial period, and a  further top-up of around €200 million (that will be available for 2021 and 2022) has been granted to support them in managing the inflow of some thousands Third Country Nationals. These financial initiatives should be more than welcome but as in all the other cases of EU financing should be conditioned to the full respect of fundamental rights and of the Rule of Law (as required by the “Common Provisions” Regulation and the Regulation on Budgetary conditionality).

4 On the content of the Commission draft Decision

By choosing the art. 78.3 as legal basis the European Commission had the opportunity on the basis of the CJEU jurisprudence to submit (even if only on a temporary basis) the long awaited revision of the Dublin Regulation (which still after Lisbon ignores the notion of Solidarity in art. 80 of the TFEU) or could have proposed the humanitarian visa at EU level (as repeatedly required by the EP) or even the establishment of humanitarian corridors not to speak of the decriminalization at EU level of ONG intervening for humanitarian reasons.  

Quite the reverse the main derogations proposed by the European Commission have been to some essential EU Directives already adopted in co-decision by the European Parliament such as:

-the Asylum Procedures Directive (Article 6(1) of, Articles 25(6) point (b), Article 31(8) and 43(1) point (b) Article 43(2) Article 46(5) and (6) (see art.2 of the Commission Proposal)

– the Asylum “Reception” Directive 2013/33/EU Article 17 and 18 (see art.3 of the Commission Proposal)

– the “Return” Directive 2008/115/EC. (see art.4 of the Commission Proposal)

The proposed derogations are highly questionable because almost all the measure presented as an expression of the principle of Solidarity are de facto at the expenses of the Migrants fundamental rights. Moreover they create a blurred space which threatens the principles of legal certainty and of the Rule of Law not to speak of the EU mission of placing “…the individual at the heart of its activities, ..” (EU Charter Preamble).

As a result of this proposal fundamental rights could be threatened without relieving the pressure on the EU Member States involved.

It is then not surprising that most of the measures proposed have already been severely criticized by and civil society representatives and legal scholars such as the Meijers Committee, which in its comments on December 14th, criticized:

  • The broad possibilities to apply an accelerated border procedure without consideration of personal circumstances other than particular health issues; Short time limits may make it impossible for the applicant to substantiate his asylum application and for the authorities to conduct an appropriate examination of the application. The obligation to follow an accelerated procedure in these situations may lead the determining authority to refrain from a rigorous examination of the application. The ECtHR has held that the speed of the procedure cannot undermine the effectiveness of the procedural guarantees which aims to protect the applicant against arbitrary refoulement. The CJEU has also recognised in its case law that short time limits may impede the effective exercise of EU procedural rights, such as the right to be heard.
  • The excessively lengthy period granted to Member States for registering an asylum application and granting access to their territory, likely to result in large scale  de facto detention at the external borders. Although the asylum border procedure does not necessarily entail detention, applicants subject to the asylum border procedure are not authorised to enter the Member State’s territory. This will in all probability lead to a considerable increase in the use of detention of applicants for international protection.
  • Withholding automatic suspensive effect of appeals in the ‘emergency migration and asylum management procedure’; and the lowering of reception conditions to the basic minimum, which is not further defined in the proposal, and risks not being able to address the particular needs of asylum seekers as a vulnerable group in need of special protection. It is of importance to note that the ECtHR has held that in view of the importance of Article 3 of the Convention and the irreversible nature of the damage which may result if the risk of torture or ill-treatment materialises in cases in which a State Party decides to remove an alien to a country where there are substantial grounds for believing that he or she faces a risk of that nature Article 13 requires that the person concerned should have access to a remedy with automatic suspensive effect.

Not surprisingly the Meijers Committee ask the Commission to withdraw its Proposal and it is now up to the EP to decide if endorsing the same request by reserving the right to challenge the text before the Court in case of adoption by the Council.

Are “sovereign” decisions really above the law? After Sharpston, what about the new EU agencies “seats” cases?

by Ezio PERILLO (*)

Following the Sharpston-Council orders, declaring the former British Advocate General’s action against the appointment of a new AG inadmissible (cases C-684/20P and C-685/20P, 16 June 2021), even the decisions that the governments of the Member States claim to take by mutual agreement for determining the seats of the European agencies seem to fall outside the EU Court’s judicial review. This is, at least, the opinion expressed by AG Bobek, delivered on 6 October 2021, in joined cases, EMA (European Medicines Agency) and ELA (European Labour Authority), C-59/18, C-182/18 and C-743/19, and EMA C-106/19 and 232/19. According to the AG, these are “decisions taken by the Member States outside the framework of the Treaties” (paragraph 173) [1].

I will say right away, in tweetmode, that the opposite solution is also true.

  1. “Sovereign” national decisions or obligations of European origin?

In establishing the Community’s institutions, the Masters of the Treaties decided at that time, for political and practical reasons, to “delegate” to their respective governments the task of determining their seats. Article 341 TFEU still provides, nowadays, that “the seats of institutions of the Union shall be determined by common agreement of the governments of the Member States“.

These decisions are therefore taken by the national governments in their own name and on behalf of the authors of the Treaties but, substantially, in the exclusive interest of the European Union, since the seats to be determined are those of the institutions belonging to this new legal order.

It follows that, in this context, national governments fully act within the EU legal framework and not outside of it, as if they were actors of international law. In so acting, they shall therefore respect the limits attached to this delegation as well as the prerogatives which the Treaties confer in similar matters to the EU institutions.

In other words, if they extend, at their discretion, the scope of the delegation received by the Masters of the Treaties, national governments act ultra vires. In this event, the corresponding decisions must be subject to the judicial review of the Court of Justice which has indeed the duty to ensure the observance of the institutional balance between the prerogatives the treaties confer to the national governments and those conferred to the EU institutions.

These decisions are therefore “atypical Union law acts“.

The same applies, by the way, also to the appointments of the members of the EU Court, which the Masters of the Treaties did not certainly intend to leave to the arbitrium (the free will) of their governments.

For instance, article 253 TFEU, currently provides that “every three years there shall be a partial replacement of the Judges and Advocates-General”. Exactly a three-year term! Not one that best suits their respective governments.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        

The Community is a legal order and not a mere arrangement founded on convenience“, stated Robert Lecourt, the eminent president of the EU Court, back in 1976, pointing his finger at certain governments lagging behind. Indeed, ” the institutional provisions of the Treaties [those relating, in this case, to the appointment of the EU judges], and the dates when they are to be applied are binding and leave no room for discretion [2].

2. Determining the seats of the institutions and agencies: two different procedures

First of all, there is no specific provision of EU law on the seats of European agencies similar to that of Article 341 TFEU on the seats of the institutions.

Instead, the general competence for establishing European agencies, on a sector-by-sector basis, is with the European Parliament and the Council, as EU lawmakers, and, in a specific case, solely with the Council.

Article 45 TEU, specifically states that the “statute, seat and operational rules” of the European Defence Agency are established by the Council and, therefore, not by the governments of the Member States (see, in this regard, also current Articles 85(1) and 88(2) TFEU on Eurojust and Europol).

It follows that, according to the Lisbon Treaty, the basic, general rule on this matter is: “only who has the authority to establish an agency (the European Parliament and/or the Council), has the authority to determine its seat as well”.

3. The location of the EU agencies and Protocol No. 6 to the Lisbon Treaty

Still, according to the Council, Protocol No. 6 to the Lisbon Treaty extended the scope of Article 341 TFEU to include the location of the seats of agencies.

However, unlike all the other 36 Protocols annexed to the Treaty (the introductory line of which is “The High Contracting Parties … have agreed“), Protocol No. 6 begins with the words “The representatives of the Governments of the Member States“, i.e.  legal entities which, in principle, are not entitled to adopt Protocols or amend or interpret the Treaties[3].

Therefore, regardless of the countless “practices”, which are certainly not customary, followed in recent years by the Council (sometimes, perhaps, even contra legem Unionis[4]), Protocol No. 6 remains a mere implementation act pursuant to Article 341 TFEU and can in no way constitute an appropriate legal source allowing for an extensive interpretation of this article so as to include the location of the agencies. According to article 341 TFUE, the national governments are, indeed, “obliged” to implement the scope of this provision and not “authorised” to extend it. To quote, once again, president Lecourt, “the Community is a legal order and not a mere arrangement founded on convenience“.

4. The notion of “institutional balance” and the broad interpretation of Article 263 TFEU

In its Post-Chernobyl judgment dated 22 May 1990, C-70/88, the EU Court, reversing its own initial case-law, stated that the same was required to “ensure preservation of the institutional balance and, consequently, [to ensure, with respect to each institution, the necessary] judicial review“, because this entails protection of the prerogatives which the Treaties expressly have conferred on each of them (paragraphs 21-23).

Thus, “ the absence in the Treaties of any provision giving the Parliament the right to bring an action for annulment may constitute a procedural gap, but it cannot prevail over the fundamental interest in the maintenance and observance of the institutional balance laid down in the Treaties” (paragraph 26).

It follows that the list of challengeable acts in that article, just like the list of persons entitled to bring an action, is not comprehensive.

However, in Sharpston, EMA and ELA cases, the acts challenged before the Court were not acts by the institutions, as in the Post-Chernobyl case, but decisions taken, upon common accord, by the national governments.

Even considering this important difference, I believe that our jurisprudential framework remains unchanged.

Observance of the EU institutional balance is in fact an “autonomous”, European legal principle, which “requires that it should be possible to penalize any breach of that rule which may occur” (paragraph 22). Constitutionally speaking, institutional balance means “separation of powers”, i.e. a legal structure governed by constitutional “checks and balances”. So, if it is for the institutions and the national governments to respect the “EU Treaties balances”, it is for the EU Court to ensure, in case of breach of the institutional balance, the due “EU judicial checks”.

5. Three examples of national governments’ decisions

Let’s suppose that the national governments were to appoint, upon common accord, not only some judges of the EU Court or of the EU General Court (see article 253 and 254 TFUE) but also, during the same intergovernmental meeting, certain judges of a specialised court, such as, for example, the European Civil Service Tribunal (before its abolishment a few years ago).

The difference is obviously not a formal one. According to article 257 TFUE, the appointment of the judges of a specialised court is a decision of the Council which, as such, is an act potentially subject to an action for annulment pursuant to Article 263 TFEU. On the contrary, any “all-in-one” appointment decision by the national governments, concerning all the three categories of EU Court members, would not, at least on paper (or according to the nomen auctoris criterion), be included among the acts specifically provided for by that article.

The EMA and ELA cases are not much different from this hypothesis.

In these cases, the national governments have in fact decided to transfer (in EMA) and set up (in ELA) the seat of two EU agencies despite the fact that (i) Article 341 TFEUverbatim limits such power to the determination of the seat of the EU “institutions”, and (ii) Protocol n. 6 does not allow the extension in the scope of the delegation under such Article.

In these three cases and in light of the PostChernobyl judgment, the institutional balance has clearly not been observed.

Therefore, the national governments, acting in compliance with the obligations referred to in Articles 253 and 341 TFEU, i.e. in “the fields covered by Union law” (Article 19 TEU), are fully subject to the EU Court judicial review process. And, in this context, it belongs only to the EU Court to ensure the crucial “effective judicial protection” (Article 19 TEU) against breach of the institutional balance at stake[5].

6. Conclusions

Observance of the institutional balance is a general rule designed to ensure the proper functioning of the entire system for the distribution of competences created within the Union’s legal system. Accordingly, “any breach of that rule” shall be subject to a sanction by the EU Court for the purpose of ensuring an “effective legal protection”, notwithstanding any procedural shortcomings of Article 263 TFEU.

Ultimately, the combination of these two factors – i.e. observance of the institutional balance and effective judicial protection – also strengthens the legality of the intergovernmental decisions taken by the national governments according to articles 253 or 341 TFUE. Indeed, in Union law these decisions cannot constitute “les faits des princes”. On the contrary, they are acts taken in the exclusive interest of the Union and which shall therefore be adopted in compliance with rule-of-law and democracy values around which the entire legal structure of the Union revolves.

(*) Former General Court Judge and EP Director

NOTES


[1] With reference to the Sharpston orders,see L. Gradoni, Unpersuasive but Wise: how the CJEU (Almost) Made the Right Call in Sharpston, in Verfassung Blog, 24 June 2021. On EMA and ELA cases see, T. Bucht, Sometimes less is more, a critical view on AG Bobek’s Opinion on the seats of the agencies, in European Law Blog, 14 October 2021.

[2] See, Curia, Formal Hearings, 1976, p. 27.

[3] It is worth noting that in the Treaty for European Constitution, Protocol No. 6 began with the words “the High Contracting Parties“. After failure to ratify that Treaty, however, this sentence was replaced, as in the previous Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice, with the correct wording, namely “the representatives of the Governments of the Member States …”.

[4] In the case, for instance, of the first regulation establishing the EMA, adopted at the time by the Council with the Parliament merely giving its opinion, Article 74 of that act provided: “This Regulation shall enter into force on the day following that on which the competent authorities have decided on the seat of the Agency”. The entry into force of a Community’s regulation cannot be affected by a decision resting with unidentified authorities not involved in the legislative process in question, such as the national governments. If that were the case, this would constitute a clear breach of the principle of legislative autonomy characterizing the Union’s legal system. In any event, the rules governing the adoption of the legislative Union acts are not available to the institutions nor the national governments. The Court should therefore not go along with it, especially when the institutional balance’s observance is at stake.

[5] Otherwise, such decisions would be deprived of any kind of judicial review, since no other Court, whether national or international, such as the European Court of Human Rights, could legitimately hold jurisdiction over the legality of EU collective national governments acts.

Does the EU PNR Directive pave the way to Mass surveillance in the EU? (soon to be decided by the CJEU… )

Fundamental Rights European Experts Group

(FREE-Group)

Opinon on the broader and core issues arising in the PNR Case currently before the CJEU (Case C-817/19)

by Douwe Korff (Emeritus Professor of International Law, London Metropolitan University Associate, Oxford Martin School, University of Oxford)

(LINK TO THE FULL VERSION 148 Pages)

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

(with a one-page “at a glance” overview of the main findings and conclusions)

Main findings and conclusions at a glance

In my opinion, the appropriate tests to be applied to mass surveillance measures such as are carried out under the PNR Directive (and were carried out under the Data Retention Directive, and are still carried out under the national data retention laws of the EU Member States that continue to apply in spite of the CJEU case-law) are:

Have the entities that apply the mass surveillance measure – i.e., in the case of the PNR Directive (and the DRD), the European Commission and the EU Member States – produced reliable, verifiable evidence:

  • that those measures have actually, demonstrably contributed significantly to the stated purpose of the measures, i.e., in relation to the PNR Directive, to the fight against PNR-relevant crimes (and in relation the DRD, to the fight against “serious crime as defined by national law”); and
  • that those measures have demonstrably not seriously negatively affected the interests and fundamental rights of the persons to whom they were applied?

If the mass surveillance measures do not demonstrably pass both these tests, they are fundamentally incompatible with European human rights and fundamental rights law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights; this means the measures must be justified, by the entities that apply them, on the basis of hard, verifiable, peer-reviewable data.

The conclusion reached by the European Commission and Dutch Minister of Justice: that overall, the PNR Directive, respectively the Dutch PNR law, had been “effective” because the EU Member States said so (Commission) or because PNR data were quite widely used and the competent authorities said so (Dutch Minister) is fundamentally flawed, given that this conclusion was reached in the absence of any real supporting data. Rather, my analyses show that:

  • Full PNR data are disproportionate to the purpose of basic identity checks;
  • The necessity of the PNR checks against Interpol’s Stolen and Lost Travel Document database is questionable;
  • The matches against unspecified national databases and “repositories” are not based on foreseeable legal rules and are therefore not based on “law”;
  • The necessity and proportionality of matches against various simple, supposedly “suspicious” elements (tickets bought from a “suspicious” travel agent; “suspicious” travel route; etc.) is highly questionable; and
  • The matches against more complex “pre-determined criteria” and profiles are inherently and irredeemably flawed and lead to tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of innocent travellers wrongly being labelled to be a person who “may be” involved in terrorism or serious crime, and are therefore unsuited (D: ungeeignet) to the purpose of fighting terrorism and serious crime.

The hope must be that the Court will stand up for the rights of individuals, enforce the Charter of Fundamental Rights, and declare the PNR Directive (like the Data Retention Directive) to be fundamentally in breach of the Charter.

– o – O – o –

Executive Summary

This document summarises the analyses and findings in the full Opinion on the broader and core issues arising in the PNR Case currently before the CJEU (Case C-817/19), using the same headings and heading numbers. Please see the full opinion for the full analyses and extensive references. A one-page “at a glance” overview of the main findings and conclusions is also provided.

The opinion drew in particular on the following three documents, also mentioned in this Executive Summary:

– o – O – o –

  1. Introduction

In the opinion, after explaining, at 2, the broader context in which personal data are being processed under the PNR Directive, I try to assess whether the processing that the PNR Directive requires or allows is suitable, effective and proportionate to the aims of the directive. In doing so, in making those assessments, I base myself on the relevant European human rights and data protection standards, summarised at 3.

NB: The opinion focusses on the system as it is designed and intended to operate, and on what it allows (even if not everything that may be allowed is [yet] implemented in all Member States), and less on the somewhat slow implementation of the directive in the Member States and on the technical aspects that the Commission report and the staff working document often focussed on. It notes in particular a number of elements or aspects of the directive and the system it establishes that are problematic, either conceptually or in the way they are supposed to operate or to be evaluated.

2. PNR in context

In the footsteps of the US and UK intelligence services (as revealed by Snowden), the EU Member States’ law enforcement agencies are increasingly using their access to bulk data – bulk e-communications data, financial data, PNR data, etc. – to “mine” the big data sets by means of sophisticated, self-learning algorithms and Artificial Intelligence (AI).

The European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation, Europol, has become increasingly involved in algorithm/AI-based data analysis (or at least in the research underpinning those technologies), and last year the Commission proposed to significantly further expand this role.

The processing of PNR data under the PNR Directive must be seen in these wider contexts: the clear and strengthening trend towards more “proactive”, “preventive” policing by means of analyses and algorithm/AI-based data mining of (especially) large private-sector data sets and databases; the increasingly central role played by Europol in this (and the proposal to expand that role yet further); the focusing on “persons of interest” against whom there is (as yet) insufficient evidence for action under the criminal law (including, in relation to Europol, persons against whom there is an “Article 36 alert” in its SIS II database); and the still increasing intertwining of law enforcement and national security “intelligence” operations in those regards.

Notably, “Article 36 SIS alerts” have been increasing, and in the Netherlands, in 2020, 82.4% of all PNR “hits” against the Schengen Information System, confirmed by the Dutch Passenger Information Unit established under the PNR Directive, were “hits” against “Article 36 alerts”.

Human rights-, digital rights- and broader civil society NGOs have strongly criticised these developments and warned of the serious negative consequences. Those concerns should be taken seriously, and be properly responded to.

3 Legal standards

General fundamental rights standards stipulate that all interferences with fundamental rights must be based on a “law” that meets the European “quality of law” standards: the law must be public, clear and specific, and foreseeable in its application; the interferences must be limited to what is “necessary” and “proportionate” to serve a “legitimate aim” in a democratic society; the relevant limitations must be set out in the law itself (and not left to the discretion of states or state authorities); and those affected by the interferences must be able to challenge them and have a remedy in a court of law. Generalised, indiscriminate surveillance of whole populations (such as all air passengers flying to or from the EU) violates the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. A special exception to this prohibition accepted by the EU Court of Justice in the La Quadrature du Net case, which allows EU Member States to respond to “serious”, “genuine and present or foreseeable” threats to “the essential functions of the State and the fundamental interests of society” must be strictly limited in time and place: it cannot form the basis for continuous surveillance of large populations (such as all air passengers) generally, on a continuous, indefinite basis: that would turn the (exceptional) exception into the rule. Yet that is precisely what the PNR Directive provides for.

European data protection law expands on the above general principles in relation to the processing of personal data. The (strict) case-law of the CJEU and the European Court of Human Rights on data protection generally and generalised surveillance in particular are reflected in the European Data Protection Board’s European Essential Guarantees for surveillance (EEGs).

Processing of information on a person suggesting that that person “may be” involved in criminal activities is subject to especially strict tests of legitimacy, necessity and proportionality.

Contrary to assertions by the European Commission and representatives of EU Member States (inter alia, at the hearing in the PNR case in July 2021) that the processing under the PNR Directive has little or no effect on the rights and interests of the data subjects, the processing under the directive must under EU data protection law be classified as posing “high risks” to the fundamental rights and interests of hundreds of millions of airline passengers.

Under the Law Enforcement Directive (as under the GDPR), this means that the processing should be subject to careful evaluation of the risks and the taking of remedial action to prevent, as far as possible, any negative consequences of the processing – such as the creation of “false positives” (cases in which a person is wrongly labelled to be a person who “may be” involved in terrorism or serious crime). It also means that if it is not possible to avoid excessive negative consequences, the processing is “not fit for purpose” and should not be used.

Under the proposed Artificial Intelligence Act that is currently under consideration, similar duties of assessment and remedial action – or abandoning of systems – are to apply to AI-based processes.

4 The PNR Directive

4.1 Introduction

4.2 The system

Under the PNR Directive, special “Passenger Information Units” (PIUs) in each EU Member State match the data contained in so-called passenger name records (PNRs) that airlines flying into or from the EU have to provide to those units against supposedly relevant lists and databases, to both identify already “known” formally wanted persons or already “known” “persons of interest” who “may be” involved in terrorism or other serious crime, and to “identify” (i.e., label) previously “unknown” persons who “may be” involved in such activities by means of “risk analyses” and the identification of “patterns” and “profiles” based on the identified patterns (see below, at 4.7).

The opinion analyses and assesses all major elements of the system in turn.

4.3 The aims of the PNR Directive

In simple terms, the overall aim of the PNR Directive is to facilitate the apprehension of terrorists and individuals who are involved in terrorism or other serious transnational crime, including in particular international drug- and people trafficking.

However, the first aim of the checking of the PNR data by the PIUs is more limited than the aims of the directive overall; this is: to identify persons who require further examination by the competent authorities [see below, at 4.5], and, where relevant, by Europol [see below, at 4.11], in view of the fact [?] that such persons may be involved in a terrorist offence or serious crime. (Article 6(1)(a))

When there is a match of PNR data against various lists, i.e., a “hit” (see below, at 4.9), the PNR passes this “hit” on to certain “competent authorities” (see below, at 4.5) for “further examination”; if the initial “hit” was generated by automated means, this is only done after a manual review by PIU staff. In practice, about 80% of initial “hits” are discarded (see below, at 4.9).

It is one of the main points of the opinion that the suitability, effectiveness and proportionality of the PNR Directive cannot and should not be assessed by reference to the number of initial “hits” noted by the PIUs, compared to the number of cases passed on for “further examination” to the competent authorities, but rather, with reference to more concrete outcomes (as is done in section 5.2).

4.4 The Legal Basis of the PNR Directive

It appears obvious from the Court of Justice opinion on the Draft EU-Canada Agreement that the PNR Directive, like that draft agreement, should have been based on Articles 16 and 87(2)(a) TFEU, and not on Article 82(1) TFEU. It follows that the PNR Directive, too, appears to not have been adopted in accordance with the properly applicable procedure. That could lead to the directive being declared invalid on that ground alone.

4.5 The Competent Authorities

Although most competent authorities (authorities authorised to receive PNR data and the results of processing of PNR data from the PIUs) in the EU Member States are law enforcement agencies, “many Member States [have designated] intelligence services, including military intelligence services, as authorities competent to receive and request PNR data from the Passenger Information Unit”, and “in some Member States the PIUs are actually “embedded in … [the] state security agenc[ies]”.

Given the increasingly close cooperation between law enforcement agencies (and border agencies) and intelligence agencies, in particular in relation to the mining of large data sets and the development of evermore sophisticated AI-based data mining technologies by the agencies working together (and in future especially also with and through Europol), this involvement of the intelligence agencies (and in future, Europol) in PNR data mining must be seen as a matter of major concern.

4.6 The crimes covered (“PNR- Relevant offences”)

The PNR Directive stipulates that PNR data and the results of processing of PNR data may only be used for a range of terrorist and other serious offences, as defined in Directive 2017/541 and in an annex to the PNR Directive, respectively (so-called “PNR-relevant offences”).

The processing under the PNR Directive aims to single out quite different categories of data subjects from this large base: on the one hand, it seeks to identify already “known” formally wanted persons (i.e., persons formally designated suspects under criminal [procedure] law, persons formally charged with or indicted for, or indeed already convicted of PNR-relevant offences) and already “known” “persons of interest” (but who are not yet formally wanted) by checking basic identity data in the PNRs against the corresponding data in “wanted” lists (such as “Article 26 alerts” in SIS II); and on the other hand, it seeks to “identify” previously “unknown” persons as possibly being terrorist or serious criminals, or “of interest”, on the basis of vague indications and probability scores. In the latter case, the term “identifying” means no more than labelling a person as a possible suspect or “person of interest” on the basis of a probability.

The opinion argues that any assessment of the suitability, effectiveness and proportionality of the processing must make a fundamental distinction between these different categories of data subjects (as is done in section 5).

4.7 The categories of personal data processed

An annex to the PNR Directive lists the specific categories of data that airlines must send to the database of the PIU of the Member State on the territory of which the flight will land or from the territory of which the flight will depart. This obligation is stipulated with regard to extra-EU flights but can be extended by each Member State to apply also to intra-EU flights  – and all but one Member States have done so. The list of PNR data is much longer than the Advance Passenger Information (API) data that airlines must already send to the Member States under the API Directive, and includes information on travel agents used, travel routes, email addresses, payment (card) details, luggage, and fellow travellers. On the other hand, often some basic details (such as date of birth) are not included in the APIs.

The use of sensitive data

The PNR Directive prohibits the processing of sensitive data, i.e., “data revealing a person’s race or ethnic origin, political opinions, religion or philosophical beliefs, trade union membership, health, sexual life or sexual orientation”. In the event that PNR data revealing such information are received by a PIU, they must be deleted immediately. Moreover, competent authorities may not take “any decision that produces an adverse legal effect on a person or significantly affects a person” on the basis of such data. However, PNR data can be matched against national lists and data “repositories” that may well contain sensitive data. Moreover, as noted at 4.9(f), below, the provisions in the PNR Directive do not really protect against discriminatory outcomes of the profiling that it encourages.

4.8 The different kinds of matches

(a) Matching of basic identity data in PNRs against the identity data of “known” formally wanted persons

PNR data are matched against SIS II alerts on “known” formally wanted persons (including “Article 26 alerts”) and against “relevant” national lists of “known” formally wanted persons.

This is usually done by automated means, followed by a manual review. The Commission reports that approximately 81% of all initial matches are rejected – and not passed on to competent authorities for further examination. Notably:

– the quality of the PNR data as received by the PIUs, including even of the basic identity data, is apparently terrible and often “limited”; this is almost certainly the reason for the vast majority of the 81% rejections;

– most of the long lists of PNR data are not needed for basic identity checks: full names, date of birth, gender and citizenship/nationality should suffice – and a passport or identity card number would make the match more reliable still. All those data are included in the API data, and all are included in optical character recognition format in the machine-readable travel documents (MRTD) that have been in wide use since the 1980s.

In other words, paradoxically, PNR data are both excessive for the purpose of basic identity checks (by containing extensive data that are not needed for such checks), and insufficient (“too limited”), in particular in relation to intra-Schengen flights (by not [always] including the dates of birth of the passengers).

– the lists against which the PNR data are compared, including in particular the SIS alerts and the EAW lists, but also many national lists, relate to many more crimes than are subject to the PNR Directive (“PNR-relevant offences”) – but in several Member States “hits” against not-PNR-relevant suspects (etc.) are still passed on to competent authorities, in clear breach of the purpose-limitation principle underpinning the directive.

In that respect, it should be noted that the Commission staff working document claims that in relation to situations in which the PNR data is “too limited” (typically, by not including date of birth), “[t]he individual manual review provided for in Article 6.5 of the PNR Directive protects individuals against the adverse impact of potential ‘false positives’” – but this is simply untrue: While a confirmed matching of identity data in relation to a person who is formally wanted in relation to PNR-relevant offences can be regarded as a “positive” result of the identity check, a “hit” in relation to a person who is wanted for not-PNR-relevant offences should of course not be regarded as a positive result under the PNR Directive.

(b) Matching of basic identity data in PNRs against the identity data of “known” “persons of interest”

In principle, the matching of basic identity data from PNRs against lists of basic identity data of “persons of interest” listed in the SIS system (and comparable categories in national law enforcement repositories), like the matching of data on formally wanted persons, should be fairly straight-forward.

However, the PNRs in this regard first of all suffer from the same two deficiencies as were discussed in relation to matches for formally wanted persons, discussed at (a), above: PNR data are both excessive for the purpose of basic identity checks (by containing extensive data that are not needed for such checks), and insufficient (“too limited”), in particular in relation to intra-Schengen flights (by not [always] including the dates of birth of the passengers). The third issue identified in the previous sub-section, that SIS alerts (and similar alerts in national law enforcement repositories) can relate to many more criminal offences than those that are “PNR-relevant” also applies: many persons labelled “person of interest” will be so labelled in relation to “non-PNR-relevant” offences.

In my opinion, while a confirmed matching of identity data in relation to persons who are formally wanted in relation to (formally suspected of, charged with, or convicted of) PNR-relevant offences can be regarded as a “positive” result of an identity check, a “hit” in relation to persons who are labelled “person of interest” should not be regarded as a positive result under the PNR Directive – certainly of course not if they are so labelled in relation to non-PNR-relevant offences, but also not if they are in no way implicated as in any way being culpable of PNR-relevant offences.

In my opinion, even confirmed “hits” confirming the identity of already listed “persons of interest” should not be regarded as “positive” results under the PNR Directive unless they result in those persons subsequently being formally declared to be formal suspects in relation to terrorist or other serious, PNR-relevant criminal offences.

(c) Matching of PNR Data against data on lost/stolen/fake credit cards and lost/stolen/fake identity or travel documents

The staff working document makes clear that PNR data are checked by “a large majority of PIUs” against Interpol’s Stolen and Lost Travel Document database as one “relevant database”. However, this is somewhat of a residual check because that database is also already made available to airlines through Interpol’s “I-Checkit” facility. Moreover:

Even leaving the issue of purpose-limitation aside, a “hit” against a listed lost/stolen/fake credit card or a lost/stolen/fake identity or travel document should still only be considered a “positive result” in terms of the PNR Directive if it results in a person subsequently being formally declared to be (at least) a formal suspect in relation to terrorist or other serious, PNR-relevant criminal offences.

(d) Matching of PNR data against other, unspecified, supposedly relevant (in particular national) databases

It is far from clear what databases can be – and in practice, in the different Member States, what databases actually are – regarded as “relevant databases” in terms of the PNR Directive: this is left to the Member States. At the July 2021 Court hearing, the representative of the Commission said that the data of Facebook, Amazon and Google could not be regarded as “relevant”, and that law enforcement databases (des bases policières) would be the most obvious “relevant” databases. But the Commission did not exclude matches against other databases with relatively “hard” data, such as databases with financial data (credit card data?) or telecommunications data (location data?).

The vagueness of the phrase “relevant databases” in Article 6(3)(a) and the apparently wide discretion granted to Member States to allow matching against all sorts of unspecified data sets is incompatible with the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights. It means that the application of the law is not clear or foreseeable to those affected – i.e., the provision is not “law” in the sense of the Charter and the Convention (and EU law generally) – and that the laws can be applied in a disproportionate manner.

In other words, even in relation to the basic checks on the basis of lists of “simple selectors”, the PNR Directive does not ensure that those checks are based on clear, precise, and in their application foreseeable Member State laws, or that those laws are only applied in a proportionate manner. In the terminology of the European Court of Human Rights, the directive does not protect individuals against arbitrary interferences with the rights to privacy and protection of personal data.

(e) Matching of PNR data against lists of “suspicious travel agents”, “suspicious routes”, etc.

The staff working document repeatedly refers to checks of PNR data against “patterns” such as tickets being bought from “suspicious” travel agents; the use of “suspicious” travel routes; passengers carrying “suspicious” amounts of luggage (and the Dutch evaluation report even mentions that a person wearing a suit and hastening through customs [while being black] was regarded by custom authorities as fitting a “suspicious” pattern). No proper prosecuting or judicial authority could declare travellers to be a formal suspect – let alone to charge, prosecute or convict a traveller – on the basis of a match against such simple “suspicious” elements alone. In my opinion:

For the purpose of evaluating the suitability, effectiveness and proportionality of the PNR Directive (and of the practices under the directive), a simple “hit” against these vague and far-from-conclusive factors or “criteria” should not be regarded as a “positive” result. Rather, a “hit” against such vague “criteria” as the purchase of an air ticket from a “suspicious” travel agent, or the using of a “suspicious” route, or the carrying of a “suspicious” amount of luggage – let alone “walking fast in a suit (while being black)” – should again only be considered a “positive result” in terms of the PNR Directive if it result in a person subsequently being formally declared to be (at least) a formal suspect in relation to terrorist or other serious, PNR-relevant criminal offences.

(f) Matching of data in the PNRs against more complex “pre-determined criteria” or profiles

(fa)      Introduction

Under the PNR Directive, PIUs may, in the course of carrying out their assessment of whether passengers “may be involved in a terrorist offence or [other] serious crime”, “process PNR data against pre-determined criteria”. As also noted by the EDPS, it is clear that the PNR data can be matched against “patterns” discerned in previous data and against “profiles” of possible terrorists and serious criminals created on the basis of these patterns, that are more complex than the simple patterns discussed at (e), above. This is also undoubtedly the direction in which searches for terrorists and other serious criminals are moving.

(fb)      The nature of the “pre-determined criteria”/“profiles”

The EU and EU Member State agencies are increasingly applying, or are poised to apply, increasingly sophisticated data mining technologies such as are already used by the UK (and US) agencies. This involves self-learning, AI-based algorithms that are constantly dynamically re-generated and refined through loops linking back to earlier analyses. The software creates constantly self-improving and refining profiles against which it matches the massive amounts of data – and in the end, it produces lists of individuals that the algorithm suggests may (possibly or probably) be terrorists, or associates of terrorists or other serious criminals. It is the stated policy of the EU to accelerate the development and deployment of these sophisticated technologies, under the guidance of Europol.

Whatever the current level of use of such sophisticated techniques in law enforcement and national security contexts in the Member States (as discussed at (fd), below), if the PNR Directive is upheld as valid in its current terms, nothing will stand in the way of the ever-greater deployment of these more sophisticated (but flawed) technologies in relation to air passengers. That would also pave the way to yet further use of such (dangerous) data mining and profiling in relation to other large population sets (such as all users of electronic communications, or of bank cards).

(fc)      The creation of the “pre-determined criteria”/“profiles”

Given (a) the increasingly sophisticated surveillance and data analysis/data mining/risk assessment technologies developed by the intelligence services of the EU Member States (often drawing on US and UK experience) and now also by law enforcement agencies and (b) the clear role assigned to Europol in this respect, it would appear clear that there is being developed a cadre of data mining specialists in the EU – and that the PNR data are one of the focus areas for this work. In other words, the “pre-determined criteria” – or AI-based algorithms – that are to be used in the mining of the PNR data are being developed, not solely by or within the PIUs but by this broader cadre that draws in particular on intelligence experts (some of whom may be embedded in the PIUs). The PNR databases are (also) between them a test laboratory for data mining/profiling technologies. And (c) there is nothing in the PNR Directive that stands in the way of using other data than PNR data in the creation of “pre-determined criteria”, or indeed in the way of using profiles developed by other agencies (including intelligence agencies) as “pre-determined criteria” in the PIU analyses.

(fd)      The application of the more complex “pre-determined criteria”/“profiles” in practice

It would appear that to date, few Member States are as yet using data mining in relation to PNR data in as sophisticated a way as described in sub-section (fb), above (or at least acknowledge such uses).

However, in a range of EU Member States algorithm/AI-based profiling is already in use in relation to broader law enforcement (and especially crime prevention). Moreover, the aim of the Commission and the Member States is expressly to significantly expand this use, with the help of Europol and its Travel Intelligence Task Force, and through “training on the development of pre-determined criteria” in “an ongoing EU-funded project, financed under the ISF-Police Union Actions.”

This merely underlines the point I made in the previous sub-sections: that the PNR database is being used as a test laboratory for advanced data mining technologies, and that if the PNR Directive is upheld as valid in its current terms, nothing will stand in the way of the ever-greater deployment of these more sophisticated (but flawed) technologies in relation to air passengers, and others. The fact that sophisticated data mining and profiling is said to not yet be in widespread operational use in most Member States should not be a reason for ignoring this issue – on the contrary: this is the desired destination of the analyses.

(fe)      The limitations of and flaws in the technologies

There are three main problems with algorithmic data mining-based detection of rare phenomena (such as terrorists and serious criminals in a general population):

– The base-rate fallacy and its effect on false positives:

In very simple layperson’s terms, the base-rate fallacy means that if you are looking for very rare instances or phenomena in a very large dataset, you will inevitably obtain a very high percentage of false positives in particular – and this cannot be remedied by adding more or somehow “better” data: by adding hay to a haystack.

As noted above, at 4.7, a very rough guess would be that on average the 1 billion people counted by Eurostat as flying to or from the EU relate to 500 million distinct individuals. In other words, the base rate for PNR data can be reasonably assumed to be in the region of 500 million.

The Commission reports that there are initial “hits” in relation to 0.59% of all PNRs, while 0.11% of all PNRs are passed on as confirmed “hits” to competent authorities for “further examination”. The Commission report and the staff working document appear to imply – and certainly do nothing to refute – that the 0.11% of all confirmed “hits” that are passed on to competent authorities are all “true positives”. However, that glaringly fails to take account of the base rate, and its impact on results.

Even if the PNR checks had a failure rate of just 0.1% (meaning that (1) in relation to persons who are actually terrorists or serious criminals, the PIUs will rightly confirm this as a proper “hit” 99.9% of the time, and fail to do so 0.1% of the time and (2) in relation to persons who are not terrorists, the PIUs will rightly not generate a confirmed “hit” 99.9% of the time, but wrongly register the innocent person as a confirmed “hit” 0.1% of the time) the probability that a person flagged by this system is actually a terrorist would still be closer to 1% than to 99%. In any case, even if the accuracy rate of the PNR checks were to be as high as this assumed 99.9% (which of course is unrealistic), that would still lead to some 500,000 false positives each year.

Yet the Commission documentation is silent about this.

– Built-in biases:

The Commission staff working document claims that, because the “pre-determined criteria” that are used in algorithmic profiling may not be based on sensitive data, “the assessment cannot be carried out in a discriminatory manner” and that “[t]his limits the risk that discriminatory profiling will be carried out by the authorities.” This is simply wrong.

In simple terms: since “intimate part[s] of [a person’s] private life” can be deduced, or at least inferred, from seemingly innocuous information – such as data included in PNRs (in particular if matched against other data) – those “intimate aspects” are not “fully protected by the processing operations provided for in the PNR Directive”. Indeed, in a way, the claim to the contrary is absurd: the whole point of “risk analysis” based on “pre-determined criteria” is to discover unknown, indeed hidden matters about the individuals who are being profiled: inferring from the data on those people, on the basis of the application of those criteria, that they are persons who “may be” involved in terrorism or other serious crimes surely is a deduction of an “intimate aspect” of those persons (even if it is not specifically or necessarily a sensitive datum in the GDPR sense – although if the inference was that a person “might be” an Islamist terrorist, that would be a [tentatively] sensitive datum in the strict sense). Moreover, even without specifically using or revealing sensitive information, the outcomes of algorithmic analyses and processing, and the application of “abstract”, algorithm/AI-based criteria to “real” people can still lead to discrimination.

The PNR Directive stipulates that the assessment[s] of passengers prior to their scheduled arrival in or departure from the Member State carried out with the aim of identifying persons who require further examination by the competent authorities of the directive “shall be carried out in a non-discriminatory manner”. However, this falls considerably short of stipulating: (i) that the “pre-determined criteria” (the outputs of the algorithms) are not biased in some way and (ii) that measures must be taken to ensure that the outcomes of the assessments are not discriminatory. It is important to address both those issues (as explained in a recent EDRi/TU Delft report).

Given that profile-based matches to detect terrorists and other serious criminals are inherently “high risk” (as noted at 3, above and further discussed at 5, below), it requires an in-depth Data Protection Impact Assessment under EU data protection law, and indeed a broader human rights impact assessment. The need for serious pre-evaluation of algorithms to be used in data mining and for continuous re-evaluation throughout their use is also stressed in various paragraphs in the recent Council of Europe recommendation on profiling. The proposed AI Act also requires this.

However, no serious efforts have been made by the European Commission or the EU Member States to fulfil these duties. Neither have ensured that full, appropriate basic information required for such serious ex ante  and ex post evaluations is even sought or recorded.

In sum: the European Commission and the EU Member States have not ensured that in practice the processing of the PNR data, and the linking of those data to other data (databases and lists), does not have discriminatory outcomes. The mere stipulation that outputs of algorithmic/AI-based profiling should not be “solely based on” sensitive aspects of the data subjects (the airline passengers) falls far short of ensuring compliance with the prohibition of discrimination.

– Opacity and unchallengeability of decisions:

In the more developed “artificial intelligence” or “expert” systems, the computers operating the relevant programmes create feedback loops that continuously improve the underlying algorithms – with almost no-one in the end being able to explain the results: the analyses are based on underlying code that cannot be properly understood by many who rely on them, or even expressed in plain language. This makes it extremely difficult to provide for serious accountability in relation to, and redress against, algorithm-based decisions generally. Profiling thus poses a serious threat of a Kafkaesque world in which powerful agencies take decisions that significantly affect individuals, without those decision-makers being able or willing to explain the underlying reasoning for those decisions, and in which those subjects are denied any effective individual or collective remedies.

That is how serious the issue of profiling is: it poses a fundamental threat to the most basic principles of the Rule of Law and the relationship between the powerful and the people in a democratic society. Specifically in relation to PNR:

– PIU staff cannot challenge algorithm-based computer outputs;

– The staff of the competent authorities are also unlikely (or indeed also effectively unable) to challenge the computer output; and

– Supervisory bodies cannot properly assess the systems.

External supervisory bodies such as Member States’ data protection supervisory authorities will generally not be given access to the underlying data, cannot review the algorithms at the design stage or at regular intervals after deployment and in any case do not have the expertise. Internal bodies are unlikely to be critical and may involve the very people who design the system (who write the code that provides the [dynamic] algorithm). The report on the evaluation of the Dutch PNR Law noted that under that law (under which the algorithms/profiles are supposed to be checked by a special commission):

The rules [on the creation of the pre-determined criteria] do not require the weighing [of the elements] or the threshold value [for regarding a “hit” against those criteria to be a valid one] to meet objective scientific standards.

This is quite an astonishing matter. It acknowledges that the algorithm/AI-based profiles are essentially unscientific. In my opinion, this fatally undermines the way the pre-determined criteria are created and “tested” in the Netherlands. Yet at the same time, the Dutch system, with this “special commission”, is probably better than what is in place in most other EU Member States. This surely is a matter that should be taken into account in any assessment of the PNR system EU-wide – including the assessment that is shortly to be made by the Luxembourg Court.

In sum:

– because the “base-rate” for the PNR data mining is so high (in the region of 500 million people) and the incidence of terrorists and serious criminals within this population so relatively low, algorithm/AI-based profiling is likely to result in tens of thousands of “false positives”: individual air passengers who are wrongly labelled to a be person who “may be” involved in terrorism or other serious crime;

– the provisions in the PNR Directive that stipulate that no sensitive data may be processed, and that individual decisions and matches may not be “solely based on” sensitive aspects of the individuals concerned do not protect those individuals from discriminatory outcomes of the profiling;

– the algorithm/AI-based outcomes of the processing are almost impossible to challenge because those algorithms are constantly dynamically changed (“improved” through self-learning) and therefore in effect impossible to fully comprehend even by those carrying out the analyses/risk assessments; and

– the outputs and outcomes of the algorithm/AI-based profiling and data mining and matching are not subject to proper scientific testing or auditing, and extremely unlikely to made subject to such testing and auditing.

4.9 Direct access to PNR data by EU Member States’ intelligence agencies

It appears that at least in the Netherlands, the national intelligence agencies are granted direct access to the bulk PNR database, without having to go through the PIU (or at least without this being properly recorded). If the Dutch authorities were to argue that such direct access to data by the Dutch intelligence agencies is outside EU law, they would be wrong. Specifically, in its LQDN judgment, the CJEU held that the rules on personal data processing operations by entities that are, in that processing, subject to EU data protection law (in that case, providers of electronic communication services, who are subject to the e-Privacy Directive), including processing operations by such entities resulting from obligations imposed on them (under the law) by Member States’ public authorities (in that case, for national security purposes) can be assessed for their compatibility with the relevant EU data protection instrument and the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

In my opinion, if the Dutch intelligence and security agencies do indeed have direct access to the PNR database, without having to go through the Dutch PIU (the Pi-NL), or without that being recorded – as appears to be pretty obviously the case – that is in direct breach of the PNR Directive, of the EU data protection instruments, and of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.

Whether the EU data protection instruments and the PNR Directive are similarly circumvented in other EU Member States, I do not know. Let me just recall that in several Member States, the PIU is “embedded in … [the] state security agenc[ies]”. However, the Dutch example shows how dangerous, in a democratic society, the accruing of such bulk databases is.

4.10 Dissemination and subsequent use of the data and purpose-limitation

(a) Spontaneous provision of PNR data and information on (confirmed) “hits”

In principle, subject only to a “relevant and necessary” requirement in relation to transmissions to the other PIUs, confirmed “hits” can be very widely shared across all the EU Member States, both between the PIUs but also, via the PIUs, with any “competent authority” in any Member State (including intelligence agencies where those are designated as such: see at 4.5, above).

(aa)     Spontaneous provision of information to domestic competent authorities on the basis of matches against lists and databases (including SIS II)

The Commission staff working report gives no insight into the actual scope of spontaneous dissemination of PNR data or “results of the processing” of PNR data by the PIUs on the basis of (confirmed) “hits” to competent authorities in the PIUs’ own countries.

The report on the evaluation of the Dutch PNR Law suggests that, in that country, spontaneous provisions of PNR to Dutch authorities “for further examination” are still effectively limited to (confirmed) matches against the SIS II database, and indeed to matches against the alerts listed in Articles 26 and 36 of the Council Decision establishing that database (respectively, alerts for persons wanted for arrest for extradition, and alerts relating to people or vehicles requiring discreet checks). The Dutch SIS II matches amounted to roughly 10 in every 100,000 passengers (2:100,000 “Article 26” matches and 8:100,000 “Article 36” matches).

If the Dutch statistics of 10:100,000 and 82.4% are representative of the overall situation in the EU, this would mean that each year, out of the 500 million passengers on whom PNR data are collected annually, approximately 50,000 passengers are subjected to “further examination” on the basis of a SIS II match, 40,000 of whom are relate to “Article 36 alerts”, i.e., to “persons of interest” who are not (yet) formally wanted in relation to any crime (let alone a PNR-relevant one).

But of course, there are also (confirmed) “hits” on other bases (including on the basis of “pre-determined criteria” and matches resulting from requests for information) – and other countries may also match against more than just Article 26 and Article 36 alerts on SIS II.

(ab)     Spontaneous provision of information to other PIUs on the basis of matches against lists and databases (including SIS II)

It would appear that, until now, in practice, information – including information on matches against SIS II alerts – is only rarely spontaneously shared between PIUs.

However, the clear aim of the Commission is to significantly increase the number of spontaneous transmissions of PNR data and of information on (confirmed) “hits” against SIS II (or against pre-determined criteria: see below) between PIUs, and via PIUs to competent authorities in other EU Member States (again including intelligence agencies in Member States where those are designated as such).

(ac)     Spontaneous provision of information to domestic competent authorities and to other PIUs on the basis of matches against pre-determined criteria

It would appear that matching of PNR data against pre-determined criteria – and consequently also the spontaneous informing of competent authorities of (confirmed) “hits” against such criteria – is still extremely rare in the EU Member States. However, the aim is for the use of such criteria to be greatly expanded.

(ad)     Spontaneous provision of “results of processing” of PNR data other than information on matches against list or databases (such as SIS II) or pre-determined criteria

The spontaneous sharing of new or improved criteria is more likely to occur within the data mining cadre that is being formed (see above, at 4.9(fc)), rather than done through exchanges between PIUs. But that of course does not mean that it will not occur – on the contrary, the aim is clearly to extend the use of pre-determined criteria, and for the EU Member States to cooperate much more closely in the development and sharing of those criteria, specifically through a much-enhanced role for Europol.

(b) Provision of PNR data and analysis data to competent authorities, other PIUs or Europol on request

(ba)     Provision of information to domestic competent authorities at the request of such authorities

In relation to the provision of information by the PIUs to their domestic competent authorities at the latter’s request, the relevant national rules apply. The Commission staff working document provides no information whatsoever on the extent to which this option is used beyond saying that the numbers are increasing. In the Netherlands, some procedural safeguards are established to seek to ensure that requests are only made in appropriate cases, and in particular only in relation to PNR-relevant offences. Whether other Member States impose procedural safeguards such as prior authorisation of requests from certain senior officials, I do not know. The PNR Directive does not require them (it leaves this to the laws of the Member States) and the Commission staff working report does not mention them.

(bb)     Provision of information to competent authorities of other EU Member States at the request of such authorities

The Commission claims that provision of PNR data at the request of competent authorities of other EU Member States is one part of the PNR system that operates well. However, the Commission staff working report suggests that there are problems, in particular in relation to compliance with the purpose-limitation principle underpinning the PNR Directive: see below, at (d).

Moreover, if the Dutch data are anything to go by, it would appear that the vast majority of requests for PNR data come from the national authorities of the PIU’s own country: in the Netherlands, in 2019-20, there were 3,130 requests from national authorities, against just 375 requests from other PIUs and authorities in other EU Member States. This rather qualifies the Commission claim that “the exchange of data between the Member States based on requests functions in an effective manner” and that “[t]he number of requests has grown consistently”. Both statements could be true, but the actual total numbers of requests from other Member States may still be extremely low (for now), at least in comparison with the number of requests the PIUs receive from their own national authorities.

(bc)     Provision of information to Europol at the latter’s request

The Commission staff working document does not provide any information on the number of requests made by Europol, or on the responses to such requests from the PIUs. The report on the evaluation of the Dutch PNR notes that within Europol there appear to be no procedural conditions or safeguards relating to the making of requests (such as the safeguard that requests from Dutch authorities must be checked by a Dutch prosecutor (OvJ).

If the Dutch data are anything to go by, it would appear that there are in fact very view requests for information from Europol: in that country, the PIU only received 32 such requests between June 2019 and the end of 2020, i.e., less than two a month. But if Europol is to be given a much more central role in the processing of PNR data, especially in the matching of those data against more sophisticated pre-determined criteria (with Europol playing the central role in the development of those more sophisticated criteria, as planned), the cooperation between the Member States’ PIUs and Europol, and the sharing of PNR data and data on “hits”, is certain to greatly expand.

(c) Transfer of PNR data to third countries on a case-by-case basis.

The transfer of PNR data by the Member States to countries outside the EU is only allowed on a case-by-case basis and only when necessary for fighting terrorism and serious crime, and PNR data may be shared only with public authorities that are competent for combating PNR-relevant offences. Moreover, the DPO of the relevant PIU must be informed of all such transfers.

However, the Commission reports that four Member States have failed to fully transpose other conditions provided for by the Directive relating to the purposes for which the data can be transferred or the authorities competent to receive it, and two do not require the informing of the DPO.

It is seriously worrying that several Member States do not adhere to the conditions and safeguards relating to transfers of PNR data (and of “the results of processing” of PNR data – which can include the fact that there was a “hit” against lists or criteria) to third countries that may not have adequate data protection rules (or indeed other relevant rule of law-conform rules) in place. Some of the (unnamed) Member States that do not comply with the PNR Directive in this regard are likely to pass on such data in breach of the Directive (in particular, without ensuring that the data are only used in the fight against terrorism and serious crime) to close security and political allies such as the ones that make up the “Five Eyes” intelligence group: the USA, the UK, Australia, Canada and New Zealand.

This concern is especially aggravated in relation to the USA, which the Court of Justice has now held several times to not provide adequate protection to personal data transferred to it from the EU, specifically because of its excessive mass surveillance (and there are similar concerns in relation to the UK, in spite of the Commission having issued an adequacy decision in respect of that country).

Moreover, neither the Commission staff working document nor the Dutch report provides any information on how it is – or indeed can be – guaranteed that data provided in response to a request from a third country are really only used by that third country in relation to PNR-relevant offences, or how this is – or indeed can be – monitored.

For instance, if data are provided to the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in relation to an investigation into suspected terrorist activity, those data will also become available to the US National Security Agency (NSA), which may use them in relation to much broader “foreign intelligence purposes”. That issue of course arises in relation to provision of information from any EU Member State to any third country that has excessive surveillance laws.

Furthermore, if I am right to believe that the Dutch intelligence agencies have secret, unrecorded direct access to the PNR database (see above, at 4.10), they may also be sharing data from that database more directly with intelligence partners in other countries, including third countries, bypassing the whole PNR Directive system. Neither the Commission staff working document nor the report on the evaluation of the Dutch PNR law addresses this issue. And that issue, too, may well arise also in relation to other EU Member States.

(d) Subsequent use of the data and purpose-limitation

In principle, any information provided by the PIUs to any other entities, at home or abroad, or to Europol, is to be used by any recipient only for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crime, more specifically for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of PNR-relevant offences.

But it has become clear that this is far from assured in practice:

– because of the dilemma faced by PIUs in some EU Member States caused by the duty of any agency to pursue any offence that comes to their attention, the PIUs in some Member States pass on information also on (confirmed) “hits” relating to not-PNR-relevant offences (both spontaneously and in response to requests), and those data are then used in relation to the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of those not-PNR-relevant offences;

– in the Netherlands (and probably other Member States), once information is provided to a domestic competent authority, those data enter the databases of that authority (e.g., the general police databases) and will be subject to the legal regime that applies to the relevant database – which means that there is no guarantee that their subsequent use is in practice limited to PNR-relevant offences;

– when PNR data are provided by a PIU of one Member State to a PIU of another Member State (or to several or all of the other PIUs), they are provided subject to the purpose-limitation principle of the PNR Directive – but if those data are then provided by the recipient PIU(s) to competent authorities in their own countries, the same problems arise as noted in the previous indents;

– Member States take rather different views of what constitute PNR-relevant offences, and some make “broad and unspecified requests to many (or even all Passenger Information Units)” – suggesting that in this regard, too, the purpose-limitation principle is not always fully adhered to;

– within Europol there appears to be no procedural conditions or safeguards relating to the making of requests for PNR data from PIUs (such as the safeguard that requests from Dutch authorities must be checked by a Dutch prosecutor) and the Commission staff report does not indicate whether all the PIUs check whether Europol requests are strictly limited to PNR-relevant offences (or if they do, how strict and effective those checks are);

– “four Member States have failed to fully transpose … [the] conditions provided for by the Directive relating to the purposes for which [PNR data] can be transferred [to third countries] or [relating to] the authorities competent to receive [such data]”;

– neither the Commission staff working document nor the Dutch report provides any information on how it is – or indeed can be – guaranteed that data provided in response to a request from a third country are really only used by that third country in relation to PNR-relevant offences, or how this is – or indeed can be – monitored;

and

– if I am right to believe that the Dutch intelligence agencies have secret, unrecorded direct access to the PNR database, they may also be sharing data from that database more directly with intelligence partners in other countries, including third countries, bypassing the whole PNR Directive system. Neither the Commission staff working document nor the report on the evaluation of the Dutch PNR law addresses this issue. And that issue, too, may well arise also in relation to other EU Member States.

In sum: There are major deficiencies in the system as concerns compliance, by the EU Member States, by Europol, and by third countries that may receive PNR data on a case-by-case-basis, with the fundamental purpose-limitation principle underpinning the PNR Directive, i.e., with the rule that any PNR data (or data resulting from the processing of PNR data) may only be used – not just by the PIUs, but also by any other entities that may receive those data – for the purposes of the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of PNR-relevant offences. In simple terms: in this respect, the PNR system leaks like a sieve.

4.11 The consequences of a “match”

It is quite clear from the available information that confirmed “hits” and the associated PNR data on at the very least tens of thousands and most probably several hundred thousand innocent people are passed on to law enforcement (and in many cases, intelligence agencies) of EU Member States and to Europol – and in some cases to law enforcement and intelligence agencies of third countries – for “further examination”. Many of those data – many of those individuals – will end up in miscellaneous national databases as data on “persons of interest”, and/or in the Europol SIS II database as “Article 36 alerts”. They may even end up in similar databases or lists of third countries.

In terms of European human rights and data protection law, even the supposedly not-very-intrusive measures such as “only” being made the object of “discreet checks” constitute serious interferences with the fundamental rights of the individuals concerned – something that the European Commission and several Member States studiously avoided acknowledging at the Court hearing. More intrusive measure such as being detained and questioned or barred from flying of course constitute even more serious interferences. Both kinds require significant justification in terms of suitability, effectiveness and proportionality – with the onus of proof lying squarely on those who want to impose or justify those interferences, i.e., in casu, the European Commission and the Member States.

Moreover, in practice “watch lists” often become “black lists”. History shows that people – innocent people – will suffer if there are lists of “suspicious”, “perhaps not reliable”, “not one of us” people lying around, and not just in dictatorships.

That is yet another reason why those who argue in favour of such lists – and that includes “Article 36 alerts” and other lists of “persons of interest” “identified” on the basis of flimsy or complex criteria or profiles – bear a heavy onus to prove that those lists are absolutely necessary in a democratic society, and that the strongest possible measures are in place to prevent such further slippery uses of the lists.

5. The suitability, effectiveness and proportionality of the processing

5.1 The lack of data and of proof of effectiveness of the PNR Directive

Neither the European Commission’s review nor the Dutch evaluation has come up with serious, measurable data showing that the PNR Directive and the PNR law are effective in the fight against terrorism or serious crime.

The Dutch researchers at least tried to find hard data, but found that in many crucial respects no records were kept that could provide such data. At most, some suggestions for better recording were made, and some ideas are under consideration, to obtain better data (although the researchers also noted that some law enforcement practitioners thought it would be too much effort).

To date, neither the Commission nor the Member States (including the Netherlands) have seriously tried to design suitable, scientifically valid methods and methodologies of data capture (geeignete Formen der Datenerfassung) in this context. Given that the onus is clearly on them to demonstrate – properly, scientifically demonstrate, in a peer-reviewable manner – that the serious interferences with privacy and data protection they insist on perpetrating are effective, this is a manifest dereliction of duty.

The excuse for not doing this essential work – that it would be too costly or demanding of law enforcement time and staff – is utterly unconvincing, given the many millions of euros that are being devoted to developing the “high risk” intrusive technologies themselves.

5.2 An attempt at an assessment

(a) The appropriate tests to be applied

(aa)     The general tests

In my opinion, the appropriate tests to be applied to mass surveillance measures such as are carried out under the PNR Directive (and were carried out under the Data Retention Directive, and are still carried out under the national data retention laws of the EU Member States that continue to apply in spite of the CJEU case-law) are:

Have the entities that apply the mass surveillance measure – i.e., in the case of the PNR Directive (and the DRD), the European Commission and the EU Member States – produced reliable, verifiable evidence:

(iii) that those measures have actually, demonstrably contributed significantly to the stated purpose of the measures, i.e., in relation to the PNR Directive, to the fight against PNR-relevant crimes (and in relation the DRD, to the fight against “serious crime as defined by national law”); and

(iv) that those measures have demonstrably not seriously negatively affected the interests and fundamental rights of the persons to whom they were applied?

If the mass surveillance measures do not demonstrably pass both these tests, they are fundamentally incompatible with European human rights and fundamental rights law.

This means the measures must be justified, by the entities that apply them, on the basis of hard, verifiable, peer-reviewable data.

(ab)     When a (confirmed) “hit can be said to constitute a “positive” result (and when not)

In the context of collecting and assessing data, it is important to clarify when a (confirmed) “hit can be said to constitute a “positive” result (and when not).

In my opinion, confirmed “hits” confirming the identity of “known” “persons of interest”/subjects of “Article 36 alerts” and the “identification” (labelling) of previously “unknown” persons by the PIUs as “persons who may be involved in terrorism or serious crime” can only be regarded as “positive” results under the PNR Directive if they result in those persons subsequently being formally declared to be formal suspects in relation to terrorist or other serious, PNR-relevant criminal offences.

(b) The failure of the European Commission (and the Dutch government) to meet the appropriate test

The conclusion reached by the European Commission and Dutch Minister of Justice: that overall, the PNR Directive, respectively the Dutch PNR law, had been “effective” because the EU Member States said so (Commission) or because PNR data were quite widely used and the competent authorities said so (Dutch Minister) is fundamentally flawed, given that this conclusion was reached in the absence of any real supporting data.

It is the equivalent to a snake oil salesman claiming that the effectiveness of his snake oil is proven by the fact that his franchise holders agree with him that the product is effective, or by the fact that many gullible people bought the stuff.

Or to use the example of Covid vaccines, invoked by the judge-rapporteur: it is equivalent to a claim that a vaccine is effective because interested parties say it is, or because many people had been vaccinated with the vaccine – without any data on how many people were protected from infection or, perhaps worse, how many people suffered serious side-effects.

At the very least, the competent authorities in the EU Member States should have been required to collect, in a systematic and comparable way, reliable information on the outcomes of the passing on of (confirmed) “hits”. Given that they have not done so – and that the Commission and the Member States have not even tried to establish reliable systems for this – there is no insight into how many of the (confirmed) “hits” actually, concretely contributed to the fight against PNR-relevant offences.

(c) An attempt to apply the tests to the different types of matches

In my opinion, confirmed “hits” confirming the identity of “known” “persons of interest”/subjects of “Article 36 alerts” and the “identification” (labelling) of previously “unknown” persons by the PIUs as “persons who may be involved in terrorism or serious crime” can only be regarded as “positive” results under the PNR Directive if they result in those persons subsequently being formally declared to be formal suspects in relation to terrorist or other serious, PNR-relevant criminal offences.

At the very least, the competent authorities in the EU Member States should have been required to collect, in a systematic and comparable way, reliable information on such outcomes. Given that they have not done so – and that the Commission and the Member States have not even tried to establish reliable systems for this, there is no insight into how many of the (confirmed) “hits” actually, concretely contributed to the fight against PNR-relevant offences.

However, the following can still usefully be observed as regards the lawfulness, suitability, effectiveness and proportionality of the different kinds of matches:

– Full PNR data are disproportionate to the purpose of basic identity checks;

– The necessity of the PNR checks against Interpol’s Stolen and Lost Travel Document database is questionable;

– The matches against unspecified national databases and “repositories” are not based on foreseeable legal rules and are therefore not based on “law”;

– The necessity and proportionality of matches against various simple, supposedly “suspicious” elements (tickets bought from a “suspicious” travel agent; “suspicious” travel route; etc.) is highly questionable; and

– The matches against more complex “pre-determined criteria” and profiles are inherently and irredeemably flawed and lead to tens and possibly hundreds of thousands of innocent travellers wrongly being labelled to be a person who “may be” involved in terrorism or serious crime, and are therefore unsuited (D: ungeeignet) for the purpose of fighting terrorism and serious crime.

5.3 Overall conclusions

The PNR Directive and the generalised, indiscriminate collection of personal data on an enormous population – all persons flying to or from, and the vast majority of people flying within, the EU – that it facilitates (and intends to facilitate) is part of a wider attempt by the European Union and the EU Member States to create means of mass surveillance that, in my opinion, fly in the face of the case-law of the Court of Justice of the EU.

In trying to justify the directive and the processing of personal data on hundreds of millions of individuals, the vast majority of whom are indisputably entirely innocent, the European Commission and the Member States not only do not produce relevant, measurable and peer-reviewable data, they do not even attempt to provide for the means to obtain such data. Rather, they apply “measures” of effectiveness that are not even deserving of that name: the wide use of the data and the “belief” of those using them that they are useful.

If proper tests are applied (as set out in sub-section 5.2(a), above), the disingenuousness of the “justifications” becomes clear: the claims of effectiveness of the PNR Directive (and the Dutch PNR Law) are based on sand; in fact, as the Dutch researchers rightly noted:

“There are no quantitative data on the way in which [and the extent to which] PNR data have contributed to the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crime.”

The Commission and the Member States also ignore the “high risks” that the tools used to “identify” individuals who “may be” terrorists or serious criminals entail. This applies in particular to the use of algorithm/AI-based data mining and of profiles based on such data mining that they want to massively increase.

If the Court of Justice were to uphold the PNR Directive, it would not only endorse the mass surveillance under the directive as currently practised – it would also give the green light to the massive extension of the application of (so far less used) sophisticated data mining and profiling technologies to the PNR data without regard for their mathematically inevitable serious negative consequences for tens and possible hundreds of thousands of individuals.

What is more, that would also pave the way to yet further use of such (dangerous) data mining and profiling technologies in relation to other large population sets (such as all users of electronic communications, or of bank cards). Given that the Commission has stubbornly refused to enforce the Digital Rights Ireland judgment against Member States that continue to mandate retention of communications data, and is in fact colluding with those Member States in actually seeking to re-introduce mandatory communications data retention EU wide in the e-Privacy Regulation that is currently in the legislative process, this is a clear and imminent danger.

The hope must be that the Court will stand up for the rights of individuals, enforce the Charter of Fundamental Rights, and declare the PNR Directive (like the Data Retention Directive) to be fundamentally in breach of the Charter.

– o – O – o –

Douwe Korff (Prof.)

Cambridge (UK)

November 2021

  1. 1.1           The categories of personal data processed

An annex to the PNR Directive lists the specific categories of data that airlines must send to the database of the PIU of the Member State on the territory of which the flight will land or from the territory of which the flight will depart. This obligation is stipulated with regard to extra-EU flights but can be extended by each Member State to apply also to intra-EU flights  – and all but one Member States have done so. The list of PNR data is much longer than the Advance Passenger Information (API) data that airlines must already send to the Member States under the API Directive, and includes information on travel agents used, travel routes, email addresses, payment (card) details, luggage, and fellow travellers. On the other hand, often some basic details (such as date of birth) are not included in the APIs.

NB: The opinion focusses on the system as it is designed and intended to operate, and on what it allows (even if not everything that may be allowed is [yet] implemented in all Member States), and less on the somewhat slow implementation of the directive in the Member States and on the technical aspects that the Commission report and the staff working document often focussed on. It notes in particular a number of elements or aspects of the directive and the system it establishes that are problematic, either conceptually or in the way they are supposed to operate or to be evaluated.

Are the new EU Agencies in the Freedom Security and Justice Area Becoming the New Sorcerer’s Apprentices? (*)

by Emilio De Capitani & Giulia Del Turco

Agencification is a relatively recent and yet highly relevant phenomenon at EU level: developed over the past two decades, it can be seen as a compromise between the functional needs to provide Brussels with more regulatory capacity and the reluctance of the Member States to transfer executive authority to the European Commission. Agencies have been rapidly mushrooming, being empowered with a wide range of regulatory tasks and resources.
According to the 2020 European Court of Auditors report, the existing 42 agencies can count on a total budget of €3.7 billion, their staff amounting to 12,881 officials (about 18% of the total number of staff members employed by the EU).

Since the entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty (1999), agencies have increased their role notably in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ), to such an extent that they are now implementing (if not, in some cases, designing) some essential policies: protection and promotion of Fundamental Rights (FRA), management of large Information systems (EU-LISA), strengthening of the police cooperation (EUROPOLCEPOLEMCDDAENISA), judicial cooperation in criminal matters (EUROJUSTEPPO), establishment of a Common European Asylum System (EUAA) and, last but not least, shaping the EU Integrated Border management (Frontex/EBCG).

This process is not without controversies and has indeed raised many issues in the scientific debate (See the 2018 EP Study “EU Agencies, Common Approach
and Parliamentary Scrutiny”
).

What is particularly striking is that, apart from Europol and Eurojust, there is no explicit legal basis in the Treaties, nor a clear reference to the possibility of delegating to the EU Agencies a discretional power, even if the EU Court of Justice (ECJ) has recently updated its old “Meroni doctrine” (according to which the EU institution cannot delegate their discretional powers to other bodies and this to preserve the institutional balance between the institutions themselves and in a more general perspective the democratic accountability of the EU construction as such).

Following the 2014 “ESMA” ruling – where the ECJ considered that Agencies may exercise some discretional powers, although circumscribed by various conditions and criteria – the situation has radically changed. The EU legislator is creating new agencies by conferring them a vast set of powers, ranging from strategic to regulatory and operational powers with also a treaty-making and budgetary competence (as clearly written in the new founding regulations of Frontex and of the European Agency for Asylum).

Such trend may be understood as a consequence of the expansion of EU competencies and powers since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. But it is taking place in a questionable way because the tools are created before defining in clear terms the legal and political framework of the policy which the new agency should serve.

Quite paradoxically, being it difficult to agree on a common policy (e.g., a common migratory policy), the EU legislator is turning to the creation of a “technical” tool, which could pave the way for the establishment of the common EU policy. Accordingly, Europol defines the objective of the EU Internal Security policy that it should implement; Frontex defines the content of the integrated border management it is deemed to implement; the EU Agency on Asylum has been reshaped before the definition of the Common European Asylum System and has been charged of the definition of a Fundamental Rights Strategy in this domain.

Unfortunately, these apparent “pragmatic” shortcuts are only delaying the hard political and Institutional choices which should be made.

Moreover, the principles of legal certainty and of the EU institutional balance risk to be profoundly shattered: formally, Agencies are set up as “independent” supranational bodies, but in fact they are mainly driven by Member States representatives, while the European Commission has a very limited control on their Management Board. Similarly, both the European and the National Parliaments have no real means of controlling the Agencies activity because most of their activities is classified as confidential and it is extremely difficult to retrieve both at European and national level.

Directors answer to the management Board where Ministerial representatives share the same profile and have no incentive in denouncing any possible shortcoming.

Not surprisingly, being freed from adequate external control, some Agencies are tempted of operating outside the scope of their mandate, as it patently happens in the case of Frontex. The latter whose legal basis covers the protection of the external borders and of Irregular migration is de facto becoming a central piece of the EU Internal Security policy (which should be in principle be covered by other legal basis in the EU Treaties) by so becoming de facto the first EU-wide Law Enforcement Authority.

To make things even more worrisome, these Agencies now enjoy also operational powers in domains where EU legislation is addressed to the Member States and does not frame the activities of the EU Agencies operating in the same domain (with the exception of EPPO, and of the EDPS). To overcome this blurred situation there are an increasing number of soft law instruments such as “Guidelines”, “Handbook”… which could not be considered an adequate legal basis when the activity of the EU Agencies has an impact or limits individual fundamental rights. The new legal trend of creating Fundamental Rights Officers operating inside the Agencies’ structure (as it has been the case for Frontex or the EUAA and is currently planned for EUROPOL) risks to become a fig’s leave. However, no matter of the seriousnees of the problem denounced by the Fundamental Rights Officer, the last word will be of the Agency’s Management Board where Member States Representatives will have a little appetite of denouncing each other (as it is also proved at highest level by the art. 7 TEU procedure..).

The establishment of an European Independent Authority for the protection of fundamental rights by the EU Institutions Agencies and Bodies, as suggested in 2004 by the European Parliament at the time of the establishment of the Fundamental Rights Agency, could be the only credible structured solution. In this perspective the creation of  the European Data Protection Supervisor (and of Data Protection Officer inside each EU Institution, Agency or Body) has already shown its merits.

Unfortunately this solution which could add some flesh to the bones of the EU Fundamental Rights internal policy, risks to be rejected, as it happened in 2004 by the European Commission and by the Council of Europe .

Without a credible administrative redress, the only remaining way remain the judicial one. However, even if, since the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty there is an easier possibility of asking a judicial redress before the Court of Justice it is also clear that this remain a bumpy road notably for vulnerable categories such as migrants and asylum seekers or even, most of the EU Citizens themselves.

Last but not least the lack of a legal framework for the implementation of the principle of good administration as required by art. 41 of the EU Charter and of art.298 of the TFEU is worsened by the lack of a credible policy on access to internal documents so that it becomes almost impossible for an ordinary EU citizen as well as for a specialized journalist to discover possible Agencies’ wrongdoing or omissions.

In such degrading situation it would be sensible that the European Parliament with the active support of the European Commission re-launch the initiative of a true binding legal framework for this parallel and unchartered EU Agencies administrative world.

The situation is more than urgent for Agencies operating in the Freedom, Security and Justice Area and it would be wise that the Parliamentary Committee in charge of controlling those Agencies (LIBE) establish as soon as possible an inquiry on the real impact of these Agencies in the European Freedom Security and Justice Area.

At the end of the day, all these Agencies have been shaped and established in co-decision also by the European Parliament and this institution, no matter of the Meroni or ESMA jurisprudence, is at least indirectly corresponsible of their current shortcomings. Furthermore it should now be clear that the “Strategies” framing the activities of these Agencies should be endorsed by the European Parliament and the Council themselves (at least as delegated acts according to art.290 of the TFEU) and their Executive Directors should have a time limited mandate and enjoy the trust of both the co-legislators and be accountable before the European Parliament as it is the case, for instance for the US Congress.

Emilio DE CAPITANI

Against this background, the Academy of Law and Migration (ADIM) devoted its Fourth annual Conference (recording available here) to the complex issues surrounding the agencies operating in the AFSJ. In particular, it addressed the question as whether and to what extent the expansion of their mandates provides adequate solutions to the implementation needs and shortcomings of the EU migration governance. But also, whether and to what extent this expansion of powers has been accompanied by an equally increased level of accountability with regard to the agencies’ operational and administrative tasks.

In particular, Jacopo Alberti (see at min. 7:38) provides an overview of the topic of decentralized implementation through agencies, highlighting the institutional and normative issues that arise from the lack of a legal basis in the Treaty for the creation of such agencies. Attention is especially devoted to the negative implications of the use of soft law instruments by the agencies, mostly in terms of judicial review. Such issue is also dealt with by reflecting on the opportunity to extend to the AFSJ the experience of the Board of Appeal, an internal but independent administrative review mechanism, which is already available in 9 EU agencies, allowing individuals to review the validity of the actions of agents.

Valsamis Mitsilegas (see at min. 28:57) questions whether the experimentalist governance, which denotes a certain excess on the extension of the exercise of power, acts as a flexible means to achieve a more effective management of migration or as a threat to the rule of law. His analysis focuses on Frontex and Europol, whose instances of experimentalist governance are intertwined with the well-known process of securitization that has characterized European
migration policies for years. It then addresses the interagency cooperation also in the external relations policies (e.g., Operation Sofia and now Irini), where the deficit of rule of law appears even more exacerbated.

Marco Stefan (see at min. 1:12:34) analyzes the Frontex’s fundamental rights administrative complaint mechanism. He notes, in particular, that, although the 2019 reform of the mechanism has significantly increased the chance for individuals to hold Frontex accountable, the mechanism still suffers from significant shortcomings: notably in terms of independence, as it remains an internal procedure, as well as in terms of effectiveness of the performed
control.

An overall assessment of the new European Asylum Agency is conducted by Lilian Tsourdi (see at min. 1:32:53), highlighting the complex compromises behind the adoption of the new regulation, which indeed appears to be particularly limited when compared to the proposal put forward by the European Commission. In particular, the operational involvement of the
agency in asylum procedures, is still defined in terms of “facilitation” or “assistance” to Member States, but this does not reflect the current administrative reality where instead we have many more models of joint implementation, in which agency staff conduct part of the procedures independently. Also, part of the compromise is the new monitoring mechanism to control the operational and technical implementation of the CEAS, the full application of which has been blocked by Mediterranean States until the current Dublin Regulation is replaced.

The role of Frontex also recurs in the presentation by Roberto Cortinovis (see at min. 2:18:00), who analyzes the approach and initiatives that have been established in the New Pact on Migration and Asylum in the field of search and rescue. Cortinovis, in particular, observes how the Common (non binding) european approach to SAR, while on the one hand confirms and strengthens the role of Frontex in the so-called “disembarkation crisis”, on the other fails to provide any element to address the long-standing ambiguities concerning it, such as the absence of any specific mandate to engage in proactive SAR, or the multiple accusations of human rights violations for directly or indirectly pushbacks practices.

Tamás Molnár (see at min. 2:37:30) closes the conference with a presentation investigating the role of the EU Fundamental Rights Agency in monitoring respect for fundamental rights at the EU’s external borders. He also offers a comprehensive assessment of the new independent monitoring mechanism foreseen in Article 7 of the Proposal for a “Screening” Regulation, which
provides for the involvement of the FRA but only as a guidance for Member States, highlighting the presence of some aspects that raise serious concerns and need a rethink in the sense of a more effective safeguarding of fundamental rights.

Giulia DEL TURCO


(*) THIS IS AN EXTENDED VERSION OF A POST PUBLISHED ALSO ON ADIM WEB PAGE

Suggested citation: E. DE CAPITANI, G. DEL TURCO, Are the New EU Agencies in the Freedom Security and Justice Area Becoming the New Sorcerer’s Apprentices?, ADiM Blog, Editorial, November 2021.