Some notes on the relations between UNSC Resolution 2240 (2015) fighting smugglers in Mediterranean and the EUNAVFOR Med “Sophia” operation

by Isabella Mercone  (Free Group Trainee – Original Version in Italian)

  1. INTRODUCTION

On 9 October 2015, the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 2240 (2015), authorizing Member States to intercept vessels off  Libyan coast, suspected of migrant smuggling.

The resolution was adopted in a short time, without much discussion and ahead of schedule, with 14 votes in favour and just one abstention (Venezuela). “Incredible!” – Someone could say – “For once, the Security Council succeeded in adopting a resolution on time.” However, the true is that the adopted resolution is not the one imagined in May by the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of the European Union, Federica Mogherini, when operation EUNAVFOR Med was launched. But let’s go one step at a time: let’s see first where the idea of ​​EUNAVFOR Med came from and what is its goal, and let’s try to understand why the EU should have required a resolution by the Security Council, allowing it to intervene in the Mediterranean and dismantle the smuggling of migrants.

  1. THE OPERATION EUNAVFOR MED (now renamed “SOPHIA”)

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EU-US Umbrella Data Protection Agreement : Detailed analysis by Douwe Korff

14 October 2015 (NOTA BENE : This text is more than 60 pages)

by Douwe KORFF (FREE GROUP MEMBER)

About the Fundamental Rights Europe Expert Group (FREE): The Fundamental Rights European Experts Group (FREE Group : http://www.free-group.eu)  is a Belgian non governmental organisation (Association Sans But Lucratif (ASBL) Registered at Belgian Moniteur: Number 304811. According to art 3 and 4 of its Statute ( see below *) the association focus is on monitoring, teaching and advocating in the European Union freedom security and justice related policies. In the same framework we follow also the EU actions in protecting and promoting EU values and fundamental rights in the Member States as required by the article 2, 6 and 7 of the Treaty on the European Union (risk of violation by a Member State of EU founding values)

About the author: Douwe Korff is a Dutch comparative and international law expert on human rights and data protection. He is Emeritus Professor of International Law, London Metropolitan University; Associate, Oxford Martin School, University of Oxford (Global Cybersecurity Capacity Centre); Fellow, Centre for Internet & Human Rights, University of Viadrina, Frankfurt/O and Berlin; and Visiting Fellow, Yale University (Information Society Project).

Acknowledgments: The author would like to express his thanks to Mme. Marie Georges and Prof. Steve Peers, members of FREE Group, for their very helpful comments on and edits of the draft of this Note.

OVERALL CONCLUSIONS

We believe the following aspects of the Umbrella Agreement violate, or are likely to lead to violations of, the Treaties and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights:

  1. The Umbrella Agreement appears to allow the “sharing” of data sent by EU law enforcement agencies to US law enforcement agencies with US national security agencies (including the FBI and the US NSA) for use in the latter’s mass surveillance and data mining operations; as well as the “onward transfer” of such data to “third parties”, including national security agencies of yet other (“third”) countries, which the Agreement says may not be subjected to “generic data protection conditions”;
  2. The Umbrella Agreement does not contain a general human rights clause prohibiting the “sharing” or “onward transfers” of data on EU persons, provided subject to the Agreement, with or to other agencies, in the USA or elsewhere, in circumstances in which this could lead to serious human rights violations, including arbitrary arrest and detention, torture or even extrajudicial killings or “disappearances” of the data subjects (or others);
  3. The Umbrella Agreement does not provide for equal rights and remedies for EU- and US nationals in the USA; but worse, non-EU citizens living in EU Member States who are not nationals of the Member State concerned – such as Syrian refugees or Afghan or Eritrean asylum-seekers, or students from Africa or South America or China – and non-EU citizens who have flown to, from or through the EU and whose data may have been sent to the USA (in particular, under the EU-US PNR Agreement), are completely denied judicial redress in the USA under the Umbrella Agreement.

In addition:

  1. The Umbrella Agreement in many respects fails to meet important substantive requirements of EU data protection law;
  2. The Umbrella Agreement also fails to meet important requirements of EU data protection law in terms of data subject rights and data subjects’ access to real and effective remedies; and
  3. In terms of transparency and oversight, too, the Umbrella Agreement falls significantly short of fundamental European data protection and human rights requirements.

The Agreement should therefore, in our view, not be approved by the European Parliament in its present form.

FULL TEXT OF THE ANALYSIS 

  1. Introduction / Background

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UNSC RESOLUTION 2240(215) (NB:fighting smugglers and traffickers in the Mediterranean Sea)

NOTA BENE : After UNSC Resolution 2178(2014) on Foreign Fighters aiming to address a problem raised notably by the EU, UNSC Resolution 2240(2015) paves now the way for a strenghtened  EU intervention against smugglers and traffickers in the South Mediterranean currently conducted in the framework of the Operation EUNAVFOR -Sophia. Emphasis have been added to the original text and comment will follow in the coming days 

UNITED NATIONS 

Resolution 2240(2015) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7531st meeting, on 9 October 2015

The Security Council,

Recalling  its press statement of 21 April on the maritime tragedy in the Mediterranean Sea,

Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya,

Recalling that international law, as reflected in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982, sets out the legal framework applicable to activities in the ocean,

Reaffirming also the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC Convention) and its Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Air and Sea, as the primary international legal instruments to combat the smuggling of migrants and related conduct, and the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons,

Especially Women and Children, supplementing the UNTOC Convention, as the primary international legal instruments to combat trafficking in persons,

Underlining that, although the crime of smuggling of migrants may share, in some cases, some common features with the crime of trafficking in persons, Member States need to recognise that they are distinct crimes, as defined by the UNTOC Convention and its Protocols, requiring differing legal, operational, and policy responses,

Deploring the continuing maritime tragedies in the Mediterranean Sea that have resulted in hundreds of casualties, and noting with concern that such casualties were, in some cases, the result of exploitation and misinformation by transnational criminal organisations which facilitated the illegal smuggling of migrants via dangerous methods for personal gain and with callous disregard for human life,

Expressing grave concern at the recent proliferation of, and endangerment of lives by, the smuggling of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea, in particular off the coast of Libya and recognizing that among these migrants may be persons who meet the definition of a refugee under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol thereto,

Emphasizing in this respect that migrants, including asylum-seekers and regardless of their migration status, should be treated with humanity and dignity and that their rights should be fully respected, and urging all States in this regard to comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international refugee law, as applicable, stressing also the obligation of States, where applicable, to protect the human rights of migrants regardless of their migration status, including when implementing their specific migration and border security policies,

Reaffirming in this respect the need to promote and protect effectively the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all migrants, regardless of their migration status, especially those of women and children, and to address international migration through international, regional or bilateral cooperation and dialogue and through a comprehensive and balanced approach, recognizing the roles and responsibilities of countries of origin, transit and destination in promoting and protecting the human rights of all migrants, and avoiding approaches that might aggravate their vulnerability,

Further recalling the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea and the International Convention on Maritime Search  and Rescue,

Expressing further concern that the situation in Libya is exacerbated by the smuggling of migrants and human trafficking into, through and from the Libyan territory, which could provide support to other organised crime and terrorist networks in Libya,

Mindful of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security under the Charter of the United Nations,

Underlining the primary responsibility of the Libyan Government to take appropriate action to prevent the recent proliferation of, and endangerment of lives by, the smuggling of migrants and human trafficking through the territory of Libya and its territorial sea,

Mindful of the need to support further efforts to strengthen Libyan border management, considering the difficulties of the Libyan Government to manage effectively the migratory flows in transit through Libyan territory, and noting its concern for the repercussions of this phenomenon on the stability of Libya and of the Mediterranean region,

Welcoming support already provided by the most concerned Member States, including Member States of the European Union (EU), taking into account inter alia the role of FRONTEX and the specific mandate of EUBAM Libya in support of the Libyan Government, and by neighbouring States,

Acknowledging the European Council statement of 23 April 2015 and the press statement of the African Union Peace and Security Council of 27 April, which underlined the need for effective international action to address both the immediate and long-term aspects of human trafficking towards Europe,

Taking note of the Decision of the Council of the European Union of 18 May 2015 setting up ‘EUNAVFOR Med’ which underlined the need for effective international action to address both the immediate and long-term aspects of migrant smuggling and human trafficking towards Europe,

Taking further note of the ongoing discussions between the EU and the Libyan Government on migration related issues,

Expressing also strong support to the States in the region affected by the smuggling of migrants and human trafficking, and emphasizing the need to step up coordination of efforts in order to strengthen an effective multidimensional response to these common challenges in the spirit of international solidarity and shared responsibility, to tackle their root causes and to prevent people from being exploited by migrant smugglers and human traffickers,

Acknowledging the need to assist States in the region, upon request, in the development of comprehensive and integrated regional and national strategies, legal frameworks, and institutions to counter terrorism, transnational organised crime, migrant smuggling, and human trafficking, including mechanisms to implement them within the framework of States’ obligations under applicable international law,

Stressing that addressing both migrant smuggling and human trafficking, including dismantling smuggling and trafficking networks in the region and prosecuting migrant smugglers, and human traffickers requires a coordinated, multidimensional approach with States of origin, of transit, and of destination, and further acknowledging the need to develop effective strategies to deter migrant smuggling and human trafficking in States of origin and transit,

Emphasizing that migrants should be treated with humanity and dignity and that their rights should be fully respected, and urging all States in this regard to comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international refugee law, as applicable,

Bearing in mind the obligations of States under applicable international law to exercise due diligence to prevent and combat migrant smuggling and human trafficking, to investigate and punish perpetrators, to identify and provide effective assistance to victims of trafficking and migrants and to cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress migrant smuggling and human trafficking,

Affirming the necessity to put an end to the recent proliferation of, and endangerment of lives by, the smuggling of migrants and trafficking of persons in the Mediterranean Sea off the coast of Libya, and, for these specific purposes, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

  1. Condemns all acts of migrant smuggling and human trafficking into, through and from the Libyan territory and off the coast of Libya, which undermine further the process of stabilisation of Libya and endanger the lives of thousands of people;
  1. Calls on Member States acting nationally or through regional organisations, including the EU, to assist Libya, upon request, in building needed capacity including to secure its borders and to prevent, investigate and prosecute acts of smuggling of migrants and human trafficking through its territory and in its territorial sea; in order to prevent the further proliferation of, and endangerment of lives by, the smuggling of migrants and human trafficking into, through and from the territory of Libya and off its coast;
  1. Urges Member States and regional organisations, in the spirit of international solidarity and shared responsibility, to cooperate with the Libyan Government, and with each other, including by   sharing   information about acts of migrant smuggling and human trafficking in Libya’s territorial sea and on the high seas off the coast of Libya, and rendering assistance to migrants and victims of human trafficking recovered at sea, in accordance with international law;
  1. Urges States and regional organisations whose naval vessels and aircraft operate on the high seas and airspace off the coast of Libya, to be vigilant for acts of migrant smuggling and human trafficking, and in this context, encourages States and regional organisations to increase and coordinate their efforts to deter acts of migrant smuggling and human trafficking, in cooperation with Libya;
  2. Calls upon Member States acting nationally or through regional organisations that are engaged in the fight against migrant smuggling and human trafficking to inspect, as permitted under international law, on the high seas off the coast of Libya, any unflagged vessels that they have reasonable grounds to believe have been, are being, or imminently will be used by organised criminal enterprises for migrant smuggling or human trafficking from Libya, including inflatable boats, rafts and dinghies;
  1. Further calls upon such Member States to inspect, with the consent of the flag State, on the high seas off the coast of Libya, vessels that they have reasonable grounds to believe have been, are being, or imminently will be used by organised criminal enterprises for migrant smuggling or human trafficking from Libya;
  1. Decides, with a view to saving the threatened lives of migrants or of victims of human trafficking on board such vessels as mentioned above, to authorise, in these exceptional and specific circumstances, for a period of one year from the date of the adoption of this resolution, Member States, acting nationally or through regional organisations that are engaged in the fight against migrant smuggling and human trafficking, to inspect on the high seas off the coast of Libya vessels that they have reasonable grounds to suspect are being used for migrant smuggling or human trafficking from Libya, provided that such Member States and regional organisations make good faith efforts to obtain the consent of the vessel’s flag State prior to using the authority outlined in this paragraph;
  1. Decides to authorise for a period of one year from the date of the adoption of this resolution, Member States acting nationally or through regional organisations to seize vessels inspected under the authority of paragraph 7 that are confirmed as being used for migrant smuggling or human trafficking from Libya, and underscores that further action with regard to such vessels inspected under the authority of paragraph 7, including disposal, will be taken in accordance with applicable international law with due consideration of the interests of any third parties who have acted in good faith;
  1. Calls upon all flag States involved to cooperate with respect to efforts under paragraphs 7 and 8, and decides that Member States acting nationally or through regional organisations under the authority of those paragraphs shall keep flag States informed of actions taken with respect to their vessels, and calls upon flag States that receive such requests to review and respond to them in a rapid and timely manner;
  1. Decides to authorise Member States acting nationally or through regional organisations to use all measures commensurate to the specific circumstances in confronting migrant smugglers or human traffickers in carrying out activities under paragraphs 7 and 8 and in full compliance with international   human   rights   law,   as applicable, underscores that the authorizations in paragraph 7 and 8 do not apply with respect to vessels entitled to sovereign immunity under international law, and calls upon Member States and regional organisations carrying out activities under paragraphs 7, 8 and this paragraph, to provide for the safety of persons on board as an utmost priority and to avoid causing harm to the marine environment or to the safety of navigation;
  1. Affirms that the authorisations provided in paragraphs 7 and 8 apply only with respect to the situation of migrant smuggling and human trafficking on the high seas off the coast of Libya and shall not affect the rights or obligations or responsibilities of Member States under international law, including any rights or obligations under UNCLOS, including the general principle of exclusive jurisdiction of a flag State over its vessels on the high seas, with respect to any other situation, and further affirms that the authorisation provided in paragraph 10 applies only in confronting migrant smugglers and human traffickers on the high seas off the coast of Libya;
  1. Underscores that this resolution is intended to disrupt the organised criminal enterprises engaged in migrant smuggling and human trafficking and prevent loss of life and is not intended to undermine the human rights of individuals or prevent them from seeking protection under international human rights law and international refugee law;
  1. Emphasises that all migrants, including asylum-seekers, should be treated with humanity and dignity and that their rights should be fully respected, and urges all States in this regard to comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international refugee law, as applicable;
  1. Urges Member States and regional organisations acting under the authority of this resolution to have due regard for the livelihoods of those engaged in fishing or other legitimate activities;
  1. Calls upon all States, with relevant jurisdiction under international law and national legislation, to investigate and prosecute persons responsible for acts of migrant smuggling and human trafficking at sea, consistent with States’ obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international refugee law, as applicable;
  1. Calls for Member States to consider ratifying or acceding to, and for States Parties to effectively implement the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, and as well as the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children;
  1. Requests States utilising the authority of this resolution to inform the Security Council within three months of the date of adoption of this resolution and every three months thereafter on the progress of actions undertaken in exercise of the authority provided in paragraphs 7 to 10 above;
  1. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Security Council eleven months after the adoption of this resolution on its implementation, in particular with regards to the implementation of paragraphs 7 to 10 above;
  1. Expresses its intention to review the situation and consider, as appropriate, renewing the authority provided in this resolution for additional periods;
  1. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

SCHREMS CASE : The Essence of Privacy, and Varying Degrees of Intrusion

ORIGINAL PUBLISHED IN VERFASSUNGBLOG ON Wed 7 Oct 2015

This brief comment will address the 6 October 2015 CJEU Grand Chamber ruling inMax Schrems, asking what it tells us about the status of two fundamental rights in the EU legal order, namely the right to the respect for private life (privacy) and the right to the protection of personal data (EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, Articles 7 and 8, respectively). The ruling must be read together with the 8 April 2014 ruling inDigital Rights Ireland where Articles 7 and 8 were discussed side by side.

Although the Max Schrems ruling contains many references to personal data, it does not really discuss the right to the protection of personal data as a distinct fundamental right. Article 8 of the Charter is mentioned in the dispositive part of the ruling but not for instance in what I would call the main finding by the Court which refers only to Article 7:

In particular, legislation permitting the public authorities to have access on a generalised basis to the content of electronic communications must be regarded as compromising the essence of the fundamental right to respect for private life, as guaranteed by Article 7 of the Charter…

The outcome of the case – declaring Commission’s Safe Harbor Decision 2000/52 invalid – flows from this finding of a breach of the essence of the right to privacy when we are dealing with indiscriminate blanket access to data. In Digital Rights Ireland the CJEU had already indicated (paras. 39-40) that blanket access to ‘content’ would trigger the application of the essence clause in Article 52 (1.1) of the Charter, while surveillance, even indiscriminate mass surveillance, based on even complex use of various categories of metadata amounted to a “particularly serious interference” (Digital Rights Ireland, para. 65) with fundamental rights but did not trigger the application of the essence clause. The Court’s distinction between ‘content’ and ‘metadata’ can be criticized, and it was indeed relativised by the Court itself in Digital Rights Ireland (para. 27).

What is now remarkable in Max Schrems is that

a) the Court actually identified the intrusion in question as falling under the notion of the essence of privacy – something the European Court of Human Rights has never done under the privacy provision of ECHR Article 8, and

b) the identification of an intrusion as compromising the essence of privacy meant that there was no need for a proportionality assessment under Article 52 (1.2) of the Charter.

This can be contrasted with theDigital Rights Ireland judgment (para. 69) where the final outcome was based on the application of a proportionality test. For these reasons, the Max Schrems judgment is a pathbreaking development, a major contribution to the understanding of the structure and legal effect of fundamental rights under the Charter. Digital Rights Ireland indicated where the path would go, and now the Court actually went that way.

An equally important contribution is documented in the same paragraph, namely that mere “access” to communications by public authorities) constitutes an interference. Notably, Article 8 (2) of the Charter uses the notion of “processing” when defining the fundamental right to the protection of personal data. Surveillance advocates might have until the Max Schrems ruling enjoyed some credibility with their claims that mere access does not amount to processing, and therefore mere access to the flow of communications does not amount to an intrusion until the automated selectors and algorithms have made their job and the human eye starts to “process” a much more narrow set of data. Now we know, that mere access is an intrusion into privacy, and even into the essence of privacy when it provides for indiscriminate access to ‘content’.

This gives rise to the next question, whether the Max Schrems rationale will only apply to the “transfer” of data from Europe to “servers” in the United States. This was the factual basis of the case, as reflected in paragraphs 2 and 31. The CJEU was asked a question about data transfers from Europe to Facebook servers in the US under the Safe Harbor arrangement, and it responded to that question. It did not address the scenario of “upstream” access to data flows through the splitting of fiber-optic cables to obtain generic access to all data that passes through transatlantic cables just because the Internet is built in the way that a lot of traffic ends up going through those cables. It would indeed be difficult to bring a case to the CJEU that would address this scenario.

Nevertheless, paragraph 94 quoted above is formulated in a way that gives a generic answer concerning the contours of the right to privacy under Article 7 of the EU Charter: yes, also access through the upstream method of capturing the data flow in a fibre-optic cable is to be regarded as compromising the essence of privacy and therefore as prohibited under the Charter, without a need even to engage in a proportionality analysis. It may be hard to get a case to the CJEU but the content of the substantive norm under Article 7 of the Charter is now clear. One can on good grounds expect that the European Court of Human Rights will now be prepared to follow the lead of the CJEU and draw the same conclusion under ECHR Article 8.

In closing, I dare to present the view that the Digital Rights Ireland and Max Schremsrulings taken together provide verification and demonstration of the utility of the methodology we developed in the SURVEILLE project where we produced a general framework for the holistic assessment of surveillance technologies for their security benefit, cost efficiency, moral hazards and fundamental rights intrusion. In short, in our model an intrusion into the essence of privacy would by definition produce the highest possible fundamental rights intrusion score which is, again by definition, higher than the maximum usability score and would therefore make redundant any proportionality assessment. Other types of intrusion – even particularly serious ones – would be assessed through giving separate scores to the importance of a fundamental right in a given situation and the depth of the intrusion into the same right as created by surveillance, and by then comparing the resulting fundamental right intrusion score against the usability score based on technology assessment. Here, a proportionality assessment is needed, even if the highest possible intrusion scores will be so high that the benefits obtained through surveillance cannot in practice outweigh them. Similarly to the CJEU in the Digital Rights Ireland case, the outcome will be that crude methods of mass surveillance, even when not triggering the essence clause, will be assessed as unlawful.

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Angela Merkel au Parlement européen, des paroles aux actes ?

ORIGINAL PUBLISHED ON CDRE (12 OCTOBER 2015)

 par Henri Labayle,

Le discours prononcé par Angela Merkel devant le Parlement européen, 7 octobre 2015 aux cotés de François Hollande, est remarquable en tous points. Au delà du symbole d’une intervention du couple franco-allemand, qui n’était d’ailleurs peut être pas le meilleur signal à envoyer à ceux que l’on tentait de convaincre, cette prise de parole publique devant les représentants des peuples européens ne manque pas de sens.

Il était donc naturel  d’en souligner l’impact, partageant le sentiment d’un Jürgen Habermas « aussi surpris que réjoui » par le positionnement allemand face à la crise des réfugiés dans l’Union.

L’intervention de la chancelière allemande traduit en effet une constance politique qui mérite le respect et elle annonce des évolutions techniques qui suscitent l’interrogation.

1. La constance

Angela Merkel persiste et signe, est-on obligé de souligner. Malgré une vague grandissante de critiques, confrontée à une fronde plus ou moins larvée au sein de sa propre majorité et à une crispation évidente de l’opinion publique allemande que traduisent des sondages récents, la chancelière n’a pas dévié d’un pouce quant au terrain sur lequel elle entendait se placer et entraîner à sa suite l’Union européenne.

Ce dernier est le seul concevable, il est celui des valeurs de l’Union européenne qui, aux termes des traités, la « fondent » et « sont communes aux Etats membres » et dont l’Union doit assurer la« promotion ». C’est à ces valeurs et à la dignité de l’être humain que s’est référée explicitement la chancelière allemande le 31 aout lorsque la crise matérielle de l’asile s’est transportée sur le terrain institutionnel.

Aussi, tenir le cap politique en faisant valoir qu’à l’inverse de ce que l’on entend ici et là, le débat ne se pose pas en termes d’opportunité mais d’obligation morale autant que juridique est un discours responsable. Tout autant que l’est le propos répétant qu’isolément les Etats sont impuissants et que la réponse collective est la seule envisageable. Effectivement, « céder à la tentation de rétrograder, d’agir à une échelle nationale » serait une erreur historique et il convient politiquement « d’assumer l’attrait de l’Europe ».

Tel est le bon angle d’attaque du débat public. Faut-il en effet rappeler que, depuis le traité de Maastricht qui la considérait comme une « question d’intérêt commun » jusqu’à l’affirmation d’une « politique commune d’asile » à Amsterdam, l’accueil des demandeurs de protection internationale s’est européanisé au point de nécessiter une seconde génération des textes composant le régime d’asile commun ? Les articles 18 et 19 de la Charte se bornent à en tirer les conséquences.

Du reste, et à supposer que le niveau européen de cette protection du droit d’asile soit discutable, comment oublier les contraintes pesant sur la totalité des Etats membres de l’Union en raison de leur adhésion à la Convention de Genève comme à celle des droits de l’Homme ? Enfin et au delà de la France et de la République fédérale et pour n’en rester qu’aux Etats membres récalcitrants, comment nier l’autorité de la proclamation de ce même droit d’asile par les textes constitutionnels en Hongrie (article 14), en Pologne (article 56) ou en Slovaquie (article 53) ?

Aussi, prétendre mener la contestation des mesures arrêtées dans l’Union en matière de relocalisation des réfugiés au nom du respect de la légalité, comme semble vouloir le faire la Slovaquie, témoigne d’une curieuse vision de la Communauté de droit à laquelle on appartient, par delà les arguments techniques ou procéduraux fondés ou non.

Cette constance avait également animé auparavant le propos remarquable du Président de la Commission, le 9 septembre dans son discours sur l’état de l’Union prononcé lui aussi devant le Parlement européen.

Rappelant le poids de l’Histoire du continent européen, avant, pendant comme après le second conflit mondial, le chef de l’exécutif communautaire a choisi de mettre l’accent sur « le respect de nos valeurs communes et de notre histoire » après avoir resitué l’ampleur de l’effort à accomplir. Soulignant l’impact du contexte international autant que les enjeux d’une sous-estimation des besoins de protection, Jean Claude Juncker a ainsi redonné sa signification politique à la fonction qu’il exerce, enfin.

Ce faisant, l’alliance des deux acteurs principaux de l’Union n’aurait pu produire d’effet sans le relais efficace d’une présidence luxembourgeoise renouant avec la tradition qui veut qu’une présidence assurée par un petit Etat membre soit souvent des plus productives. Là encore, la brusque accélération du dossier législatif « relocalisation » en a tiré le bénéfice, les deux décisions de relocalisation ayant été publiées et commençant à prendre effet.

Pour autant, la constance du discours est-elle annonciatrice de véritables changements dans la politique d’asile de l’Union européenne ou bien faut-il en douter, à l’image de certains commentaires médiatiques au lendemain de ce discours regrettant l’absence de mesures concrètes ?

2. Le changement

D’ores et déjà, il est en marche. La conduite du dossier législatif de la relocalisation en est précisément une manifestation douloureuse pour les partisans de la méthode intergouvernementale.

On sait en effet la grande relativité de la communautarisation des procédures législatives. Malgré l’appellation des traités, la « procédure législative ordinaire » qui voudrait que la majorité qualifiée et l’accord du Parlement soient la règle en matière d’asile et d’immigration est passablement différente dans la pratique décisionnelle. La culture du consensus qui anime les diplomates qui se prétendent législateurs les amène ainsi à préférer les pratiques anciennes, celles qui consistent à ne pas forcer les Etats membres, conduits au pire à se réfugier dans l’abstention.

Ainsi, le 20 juillet 2015, une « décision des représentants des gouvernements des Etats membres réunis au sein du Conseil» c’est-à-dire un acte non pas de l’Union mais un acte engageant simplement les Etats collectivement (CJUE, 30 juin 1993, Parlement c. Conseil et Commission, C-181/91 et C-248/91, point 25) a permis de surmonter, par consensus, les désaccords entre Etats et d’adopter la décision2015/1523 procédant à la relocalisation de 40 000 personnes à partir de la Grèce et de l’Italie.

En revanche, le retour à l’orthodoxie communautaire s’est avéré bien plus pratique lorsqu’il a fallu surmonter l’opposition résolue de quatre Etats membres : la décision 2015/1601 du 22 septembre 2015 a donc été adoptée selon les voies classiques du traité et même en utilisant la procédure de vote à la majorité qualifiée … Signe de l’ampleur des désaccords, les conclusions de cette réunion ont été présentées par le ministre luxembourgeois comme « celles de la Présidence » et non du Conseil …

La seconde marque de changement a frappé l’espace Schengen. Improprement présenté comme relevant des « accords de Schengen », présentation ambiguë qui pourrait laisser penser que ces accords peuvent être dénoncés, le droit de l’espace Schengen repose d’une part sur les articles 67 et 77 TFUE qui garantissent l’absence de contrôles aux frontières intérieures et, d’autre part, sur le règlement 562/2006 dit « Code Frontières Schengen » tel que modifié en 2013.

Ce dispositif de près de trente ans n’avait pas été conçu pour résister à une pression de l’ampleur de celle traversée par l’Union en cet été 2015. Il a donc volé en éclats tant à propos de la capacité des Etats membres à assumer leurs responsabilités de contrôles des frontières extérieures qu’en ce qui concerne l’interdiction d’exercer des contrôles nationaux aux frontières intérieures. Le rétablissement temporaire des contrôles aux frontières intérieures décidé par plusieurs Etats membres, de la Slovénie et l’Autriche avec l’aval de la Commission, conformément à l’article 25 du Code, a fait clairement ressortir la réalité.

Elle est double : d’une part, l’absence de modification substantielle d’un mécanisme conçu à 5 pour s’appliquer à 30 Etats est devenue clairement problématique, d’autre part, le maintien d’un espace de libre circulation intérieure dépend évidemment d’un renforcement effectif des contrôles aux frontières extérieures. Ce second constat ne connaît qu’une issue, à espace européen constant en tous cas : une gestion plus intégrée de ces frontières. Là encore, dès le début septembre comme au Parlement européen, la chancelière allemande n’a pas masqué la gravité de cet enjeu.

Troisième signe de changement, le plus lourd de signification sans doute, la remise en question du système dit de Dublin. Mal dénommé car né en réalité dans le chapitre VII de la convention d’application des accords de Schengen de 1990, ce système pose le principe du traitement unique de la demande d’asile. Critiqué à juste titre, d’une efficacité pour le moins douteuse comme en témoigne le dernier rapport d’AIDA, mis en cause jusqu’au Conseil de l’Europe, le système Dublin a connu diverses réformes mais n’a jamais été remis en question par principe.

La raison en est simple : il fait peser l’essentiel de la charge sur les Etats que le hasard de la géographie a mis au contact de la pression migratoire extérieure. Ceci sans aucune mesure avec leurs capacités de réponse, la Grèce étant un exemple caricatural de cette situation. Les Etats de seconde ligne, malgré ces dysfonctionnements, y trouvaient bon gré mal gré un certain confort et même si, dans les faits, le système n’a pas fonctionné comme on l’a vu en Italie ou en Grèce.

D’où une difficulté à accepter l’idée d’un changement, malgré le coup de tonnerre provoqué par l’ouverture des frontières allemandes, clairement en contradiction avec cet état du droit.

Cet attachement au dispositif Dublin s’est manifesté jusqu’au dernier moment. Ainsi, la réunion informelle des chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement du 23 septembre rappelait-elle que « nous devons tous respecter, appliquer et mettre en œuvre nos règles existantes, y compris le règlement de Dublin et l’acquis de Schengen ». De même, le dispositif de relocalisation adopté comme en préparation est-il présenté comme une « dérogation » au mécanisme de Dublin. Enfin, et sans que l’on voie exactement où elle entend se diriger, la Commission promet d’ouvrir le chantier de la réforme de Dublin en « mars 2016 ».

Sans tir de sommation, la salve de la chancelière allemande fait mouche et semble ouvrir un nouveau chapitre de la politique d’asile : « soyons francs, le processus de Dublin, dans sa forme actuelle, est obsolète » a-t-elle asséné aux parlementaires européens.

Dès lors, faut-il croire que la conclusion de la chancelière fera office de feuille de route ? Consciente de l’impasse dans laquelle sa politique l’a engagée, l’Union sera-t-elle capable d’une part d’ouvrir des voies légales d’accès à la protection et, d’autre part, de s’accorder sur une répartition équitable des charges telle que ses traités l’y invitent ?

(Amnesty International Briefing ) FENCED OUT : HUNGARY’S VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHTS OF REFUGEES AND MIGRANTS

ORIGINAL PUBLISHED HERE 

INTRODUCTION

“[W]e would like Europe to be preserved for the Europeans. But there is something we would not just like but we want because it only depends on us: we want to preserve a Hungarian Hungary” Viktor Orbán, Prime Minister of Hungary, 25 July 20151

“We are also humans. Before we lived in peace and we have had our lives and dreams torn apart by wars and greed of the governments.” Hiba Almashhadani, an Iraqi refugee, 21 September 20152

In the first eight months of 2015, 161,000 people claimed asylum in Hungary. The Office for Immigration and Nationality has estimated that two thirds of those arriving3 were asylum-seekers from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq who entered the country irregularly.4 These are, unquestionably, large numbers and they have presented Hungary with considerable, if not entirely unforeseeable, challenges. Hungary’s response to these challenges has, however, been hugely problematic. While Hungary is bearing much of the brunt of the EU’s structurally unbalanced asylum regime, it has also shown a singular unwillingness to engage in collective EU efforts to address these shortcomings and participate in initiatives designed to redistribute the responsibility for receiving and processing asylum seekers, notably the relocation and “hotspot” processing schemes that the European Commission and Council have been proposing.

Instead, Hungary has moved in recent months to construct fences along its southern borders, criminalise irregular entry to its territory and expedite the return of asylum seekers and refugees to Serbia, through its inclusion on a list of safe countries of transit. The cumulative effect, and desired consequence, of these measures will be to render Hungary a refugee protection free zone. Ultimately, Hungary’s attempts to insulate itself against a regional, and wider global, refugee crisis can only be achieved at the expense of the respect its international human rights and refugee law obligations. In fact, this is already happening; only the completion of a fence along the Croatian border is preventing Hungary’s isolationist migration policies from reaching fruition.

Hungary’s determination to avoid its responsibilities towards refugees is not just a Hungarian problem. It is also an EU problem. Hungary’s policies are not preventing entry to the EU, they are merely displacing the routes refugees and migrants are taking to reach it. Hungary’s policies also represent a structural threat to the rule of law and the respect for human rights that other member states and EU institutions cannot afford to ignore. The EU should therefore engage Hungary in a formal discussion, as foreseen by Article 7 of the Treaty of the European Union, with a view to bringing its migration and asylum policies in line with EU and other international law obligations and ensuring that Hungary participates fully in collective EU initiatives and reforms designed to address the current refugee crisis, while receiving the considerable support it needs to do so.

THE UNFOLDING OF THE “CRISIS”

On 15 September 2015 the Hungarian government declared a “crisis situation caused by mass immigration”.5 On the same day, the construction of a fence on the border with Serbia was finished and amendments to the Criminal Code and Asylum Law, making it an offence to enter the country through the border fence and establishing “transit zones” at the border, entered into effect.

On 21 September, the Hungarian Parliament adopted further amendments to the Police Act and the Act on National Defence. These extend the powers of the police in situations of “crisis caused by mass immigration” to block roads, ban or restrain the operation of public institutions, shut down areas and buildings and restrain or ban the entering and leaving of such places. The new measures authorise the army to support the police securing the border in the crisis situation and to use rubber bullets, tear gas grenades and pyrotechnical devices.6

On 22 September, the Hungarian Parliament adopted a resolution which stated, among other things, that Hungary should defend its borders by “every necessary means” against “waves of illegal immigration”. The resolution stated: “[W]e cannot allow illegal migrants to endanger the jobs and social security of the Hungarian people. We have the right to defend our culture, language, and values.”7

The number of asylum seekers in Hungary in 2015, represents a significant increase on the 42,777 applications registered in 2014. 8 The Hungarian government had, however, long been received signals of an expected increase in asylum applications. As early as 2012 the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency) as well as NGOs were calling for an improvement of the reception facilities for asylum-seekers in Hungary and the need to bring them in line with the EU reception standards.9

Instead of introducing measures in line with these calls, the government started to work on measures to keep refugees and migrants out of the country. In 2015 it spent 3.2 million Euros10 on a “national consultation on immigration and terrorism”11 in the course of which it distributed a questionnaire to over eight million citizens seeking answers to questions such as whether or not those who cross the borders illegally should be detained for a period longer than 24 hours.12 Another 1.3 million Euros was spent on an anti-refugee billboard campaign that included messages such as “If you come to Hungary, don’t take the jobs of Hungarians” or “If you come to Hungary, you have to respect our culture!”.13 98 million Euros was spent on the construction of the border fence with Serbia.14 The 2015 budget of the Office of Immigration and Nationality responsible for reception of asylum seekers and processing applications was 27.5 million Euros.15

The government did however move swiftly with the adoption of measures aiming at keeping refugees and migrants out and facilitating their return. On 1 August 2015, an amendment of the Asylum Law16 entered into force which authorized the government to issue a lists of safe countries of origin and safe third countries of transit. Serbia, Macedonia and EU member states, including Greece, are considered safe by the Hungarian authorities as a result of these changes, meaning that asylum applications by people transiting through from these countries can be sent back to them following expedited proceedings.17 On 15 September another set of amendments came into effect. They criminalized “illegal entry” through the border fence and introduced “transit zones” for asylum-seekers at the border and other changes.18

On 17 September, the Minister of Interior ordered a “partial border closure” of the border crossings at the Röszke/Horgoš motorway and at the express road for a period of 30 days. It justified it as a measure “in the interest of the protection of public security”.19 During the period of the partial border closure, it was not possible for passengers, vehicles and cargo to cross the state border between Hungary and Serbia. The border was re-opened on 20 September after the Hungarian and Serbian Ministries of Interior “succeeded in finding a solution to opening the border crossing station and ensuring the continued flow of passenger and cargo traffic.”20

Following the effective sealing off of the border with Serbia in mid-September, refugees and migrants started entering Hungary through the border with Croatia through the crossings at Beremend21 and Zakány.22 By the beginning of October an average of about 4,000 people were entering on a daily basis according to the Hungarian police.23 The measures taken by the Hungarian government have therefore served primarily to redirect the flow of refugees and migrants, not stop it. However, Hungary has already begun constructing a similar fence along the Croatian border, and has already almost completed the laying of barbed wire along its entirety.24 Once a full-scale fence has been constructed, asylum-seekers will effectively no longer be able to access Hungarian territory and protection proceedings. Those that do succeed in crossing the fence will be liable to prosecution – and return to Serbia or Croatia.25

INTERNATIONAL CRITICISM OF HUNGARY’S MIGRATION POLICIES

Hungary’s draconian response to the increase of the number of refugees and migrants entering the country has been roundly criticised by international human rights bodies.

On 15 September, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Thorbjørn Jagland wrote to the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, expressing concerns over the legislation adopted “in the context of the migration crisis“. He asked for assurances that Hungary is still committed to its obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights. The Secretary General also warned that Hungary cannot derogate from its obligation to protect the right to life, prohibition of torture and other rights.26

On 17 September, the UN Human Rights Commissioner Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein said that amendments of the Criminal Code and the Asylum Law which entered into force on 15 September are incompatible with the human rights commitments binding on Hungary. “This is an entirely unacceptable infringement of the human rights of refugees and migrants. Seeking asylum is not a crime, and neither is entering a country irregularly.” The UN Human Rights Commissioner further observed that some of the actions carried out by the Hungarian authorities, such as denying entry, arresting, summarily rejecting and returning refugees, using disproportionate force on migrants and refugees, as well as reportedly assaulting journalists and seizing video documentation, amounted to clear violations of international law.27 He also noted “the xenophobic and anti-Muslim views that appear to lie at the heart of current Hungarian Government policy”.

The response of the EU institutions has been less unequivocal. The EU Commissioner for Migration, Home Affairs and Citizenship, Dimitris Avramopolous, declared during his visit to Hungary on 17 September that “[The EU] will work collectively to protect the Union’s external borders.” Hungary, he noted, “is doing part in this work… [although the EC does] not always agree with the means used.” Commissioner Avramopolous expressed a commitment “to work with [EU’s] neighbours – establishing a common list of safe countries of origin and intensifying cooperation with the Western Balkan countries and Turkey.” At the same time, however, he acknowledged a “moral duty… inscribed in international and European laws” to offer protection to those who need it.28

METHODOLOGY AND PURPOSE OF THIS BRIEFING Continue reading “(Amnesty International Briefing ) FENCED OUT : HUNGARY’S VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHTS OF REFUGEES AND MIGRANTS”

AN INSUBSTANTIAL PAGEANT FADING: A VISION OF EU CITIZENSHIP UNDER THE AG’S OPINION IN C-308/14 COMMISSION V UK

PUBLISHED ON EU LAW ANALYSIS on Wednesday, 7 October 2015

by Charlotte O’Brien,

Senior Lecturer, York Law School

The political message being sent by irate governments to ‘back off’ from national welfare systems’ assumed prerogative to discriminate between home nationals and EU nationals is being received and applied with alacrity by the Court of Justice. The current direction of travel resiles from earlier progressive visions of EU citizenship, and in C-140/12 Brey, C-333/13 Dano and C-67/14 Alimanovic we see that which was once ‘destined to be [our] fundamental status’ receding ever further from view. Advocate General Cruz Villalón’s Opinion in Commission v UK continues the retreat, arguing that the Commission’s action challenging the UK right to reside test for family benefits should be dismissed. The result may, in the current environment, be unsurprising. But getting there with existing legal tools is problematic.

The Opinion contains a number of uncomfortable contortions to give undue deference to the national rules, and avoid tackling the underlying conflict of rules and approaches. It represents quite startling judicial activism in embroidering the legislation with unwritten limitations as to personal scope, tinkering with the subject matter, and asserting an unwritten licence to discriminate whenever something smells like a welfare benefit. The effect is as though the Court’s new teleological guiding principle should be that the legislature would have wanted at all costs to avoid offending the UK government.

The UK right to reside (RTR) test prevents any EU national who does not meet the criteria in Art 7 Directive 2004/38 from receiving Child Benefit or Child Tax Credit, both of which were accepted as being ‘family benefits’, so ‘pure social security’ (rather than special non-contributory benefits in Brey, Dano and Alimanovic) under Regulation 883/2004. The Commission challenged the test’s lawfulness on two grounds – that it imported extra conditions into the ‘habitual residence’ test, to undermine the effects of Regulation 883/2004, and that it is discriminatory since it only applies to non-UK citizens. The AG’s Opinion is remarkable, in its ability to reject both without engaging with either. This analysis deals with four key issues arising from the Opinion: (i) stitching, splicing and embroidering Reg 883/2004; (ii) the ‘inherent’, ‘inevitable’ and ex ante discrimination fudge; (iii) the parallel reality in which the UK does not presume unlawful residence; and (iv) the failure to notice that the UK automatically refuses social assistance to those reliant on ‘sufficient resources’.

(i) stitching, splicing and embroidering Regulation 883/2004

The AG is at some pains to determine whether the ‘right to reside’ test is part of the habitual residence test (HRT), or a separate test added on, suggesting that it is only if it is presented as the former, does the Commission have a case. As the UK government ‘distanced’ itself during proceedings from the combined test approach, and argued that it was a separate test of lawful residence, so the AG commented that the Commission’s case was ‘weakening over the course of the dispute’. Indeed, on the basis that the test was ‘independent’ of the HRT, the AG argued that the first ground should be dismissed. This is perplexing. It seems to be a matter of regulatory semantics whether the RTR is part of the HRT, or is applied as well as the HRT, if the effect – to undermine Regulation 883/2004 – is the same.

For the record, the conclusion that they are separate tests is unconvincing anyway. For all benefits with an official ‘habitual residence test’ the regulations provide that a claimant cannot be habitually resident unless she has the right to reside in the CTA (Income Support (General) Regulations 1987, reg 21AA; Jobseeker Allowance Regulations 1996, reg 85A; Employment and Support Allowance Regulations 2008, reg 70(2); State Pension Credit Regulations, reg 2; see DWP, DMG, 072771). For CB and CTC the terminology is slightly different – the words ‘habitually resident’ are not used, but a person must be treated as being in the UK. And to be treated as being in the UK, you have to have a right to reside (Child Benefit Regulations 2006, Reg 23(4)(a); Tax Credits (Residence) Regulations 2003, Reg. 3(5); CBTM10010 – Residence and immigration: residence – introduction).

However, whether we treat the RTR as part of habitual residence, or as an extra test, the effect in both cases is to add conditions onto the circumstances in which a person is treated as meeting the ‘residence’ criteria of Regulation 883/2004. That Regulation offers a clear, exhaustive list for allocating ‘competence’ of Member States for benefits, providing a residual category for the economically inactive, at Art 11(3)(e) in which the Member State of residence is competent. Once competence has been established, that State is then responsible for the payment of family benefits, subject to the non-discrimination provision.

The scheme of the Regulation is intentionally broader than that of Directive 2004/38 – applying a different personal scope for a start (covering all those who ‘are or have been subject to the legislation of one or more Member States’), and covering pensioners, those between jobs, those who might fall outside of the Dir 2004/38 Article 7(3) retention provisions – essentially, those who should be covered by social security provisions. To apply the right to reside test is to hack down the rationae personae of the Regulation to emulate that of Directive 2004/38 – an approach not endorsed, implied or merited in the Regulation. The AG’s assertion that law should not exist in ‘separate compartments’ as justification for splicing the instruments together and embroidering an extra condition into the Regulation rather too easily ignores the different purposes and scopes of the instruments. Similarly, the different material issues – the restriction of social assistance now embodied in Directive 2004/38, versus award of social security, are inappropriately assimilated. The AG notes, apparently approvingly, the UK’s assertion that ‘the two benefits at issue in the present case have some characteristics of social assistance’. This goes unexamined, and helps form the context in which the different nature of social security, and different subject matter of the Regulation, is effectively ignored. In sum, we have an approach in which if a benefit is a ‘bit like’ social assistance, and a legal instrument is in roughly the same area as Directive 2004/38, then unwritten restrictions kick in.

In the specific case of family benefits, the Regulation’s residual category should provide a guarantee that families do not fall through the cracks and find themselves disentitled to any family benefits, since many Child Benefits are tied to residence. This also serves the ‘bonus’ purpose of protecting children, who are not the agents of migration, and who the legislature and the Court have hitherto taken pains to protect from suffering the penalties of their parents’ choices and/or misfortunes – either out of an interest in child welfare, or as an instrumental way of avoiding disincentives (risks to their children’s welfare) for workers to migrate.

Here it is worth emphasising that when we speak of falling through the cracks, we mostly speak of people who have been working (rather than those who have never worked). The right to reside test results in a strict bifurcation between those ‘working’ and those not. The rules on retention of worker status are stringent and exclusionary, so that people can be working and contributing for many years and still fall over welfare cliff edges. Regulation 883/2004 should offer some protection to their pre-school children in such cases, even where Directive 2004/38 is (according to emerging case law) rather harsher to the parents.

However, in the AG’s approach we can see the Directive, having already been transformed from an instrument to promote free movement into a instrument to prevent benefit tourism (Dano); being promoted to the status of a fundamental principle of limitation, to be (retrospectively) mainstreamed into other (higher) legislative instruments – exerting restrictions that are not there written.

(ii) the ‘inherent’, ‘inevitable’ and ex ante discrimination fudge;

The AG avoided dealing with the question of whether the RTR test discriminates contrary to Regulation 883/2004, by finding that the RTR prevented the Regulation from being applicable at all – apparently treating ex ante discrimination as de facto lawful. This conceptual approach is deeply problematic – can Member States really avoid the non-discrimination obligations contained in legislation by applying discriminatory gateways to access that legislation?

As noted above, once competence of a Member State has been established for the purposes of Regulation 883/2004, it is then – according to that instrument, bound by non-discrimination duties (Article 4). However, under the proposed approach, there will be people for whom no Member State has competence, because competence is to be determined according to a set of restrictions in a completely different instrument which apply a different concept to a different set of people for a different set of benefits. And if they are in this way found not be within any State’s competence, the question of discrimination is avoided.

To the extent that the AG does engage with non-discrimination duties, it is part of an imprecise discussion about the likelihood of the lawfulness of curbing benefits from non-nationals (benefit restrictions are ‘traditionally associated’ with requirements of legal residence). In drawing upon Dano and Brey, the fact that those cases dealt with benefits therein defined as social assistance is swept aside somewhat as the AG finds ‘there is nothing in those judgments to indicate that such findings apply exclusively to the social assistance benefits or the special non-contributory cash benefits with which those cases were concerned and not to other social benefits’. But there is plenty to indicate that social security benefits should be treated differently in their coverage in a different piece of legislation. It is surely very odd to suggest that the Court should list those instruments on which it was not ruling.

Recognising that the rules do treat UK nationals and non nationals differently, the Opinion makes some rhetorical points about discrimination as part of the natural ecosystem of free movement – ‘one way of looking at it is that this difference in treatment as regards the right of residence is inherent in the system and, to a certain extent, inevitable… In other words, the difference in treatment between UK nationals and nationals of other Member States stems from the very nature of the system.’ None of this does anything to address the question of the problem of direct versus indirect discrimination – the latter being rather easier to justify. It almost suggests that some degree of direct discrimination has to be accepted as a matter of pragmatism. Indeed, the characterisation of the rules asindirectly discriminating on the grounds of nationality is one of the most contentious issues in the case. Much as in C-184/99 Grzelczyk, an extra condition is imposed only upon non-nationals. Hiding behind the banner of indirect discrimination seems unconvincing if we posit a brief thought experiment. Imagine all EU national men automatically had an RTR, but all EU national women had to pass the RTR test; that could not be described asindirectly discriminating on the grounds of sex. While it could be argued that nationality is a different type of ground to sex, and so different differences are acceptable, the fact that we are dealing with direct discrimination remains. And this is not explored. The only thing that needs justification, under this analysis, is not the test, but the procedural checking, which we look at next.

(iii) the parallel reality in which the UK does not presume unlawful residence

The AG states that it cannot be inferred that the UK presumes that claimants are unlawfully resident, adding that European citizenship would preclude such a presumption, and that claimants should not systematically be required to prove they are not unlawfully resident.

However, the whole claims process in the UK does systematically require proof of claimants that they are (not un)lawfully resident. The right to reside test takes the limitations of Directive 2004/38 and makes them a priori conditions of the existence of the right to move and reside. There is no general citizenship-based right to reside that can be modified by limitations, with some discretion. The conditions come first, and must be demonstrably met, in each and every case. The UK’s assertion that ‘In cases in which there is doubt as to whether the claimant has a right of residence, an individual assessment of the claimant’s personal circumstances is carried out’ rather masks the process of assessment that decision makers are required to undertake according to the decision maker guidance on establishing whether a claimant really is or was a worker – using the UK’s own definition. That definition is flawed in itself, requiring evidence to meet a higher threshold than set in EU law, and the evidential hurdles can be considerable. Even for the most straightforward cases of worker, proof is required that earnings have been at or above the Minimum Earnings Threshold for a continuous period of at least three months. Those with variable earnings are expected to provide considerable evidence if they wish to ‘prove’ their right to reside. In cases where HMRC have reason to doubt conditions continue to be met for tax credit awards, they issue further, penetrating compliance checks, and in the UK government’s Budget Policy costings document, the government announced that the restrictions on benefits ‘will be augmented by additional HMRC compliance checks to improve detection of when EEA migrants cease to be entitled to these benefits. The checks will apply to all EEA migrant claims’. The system is set up to make the conditions constitutive of the right to free movement, effectively requiring all claimants to prove that they are not unlawfully resident, notwithstanding the apparent ‘background’ of EU citizenship, and claims are subject to systematic checking, notwithstanding Article 14(2) of Directive 2004/38.

The AG however, took the position that such checks are not systematic, but may be indirectly discriminatory, but that they were lawful, with the briefest of nods to justification – as though the mere mention of the UK’s public finances is sufficient to provoke a reverential hush, genuflection and swift retreat from the subject:

without any need to pursue the argument further, I consider that the necessity of protecting the host Member State’s public finances, (75) an argument relied on by the United Kingdom, (76) is in principle sufficient justification for a Member State to check the lawfulness of residence at that point.’

No data, it seems, is required.

Nor is any engagement with the question as to whether purely economic aims are legitimate aims for the purpose of justifying discrimination or restricting a fundamental freedom – on this, see AG Sharpston’s Opinion in C-73/08 Bressol.

(iv) the failure to notice that the UK automatically refuses social assistance to those reliant on ‘sufficient resources’.

The AG rounds up the Opinion by noting that in any case, the economically inactive are not completely hung out to dry – they should have their circumstances examined to determine whether they have sufficient resources not to become a burden on the public purse. Here, the AG emphasises that mere recourse to public funds should not bar a claimant from having a right to reside based on sufficient resources, and that their case should be assessed as to whether they are an ‘excessive’ burden. This is all very well, but speaks to a rather different reality to that experienced in the UK, in which the economically inactive are automatically barred from claiming social assistance because they are automatically treated as not having sufficient resources at the point of claim. Moreover, the Upper Tribunal has suggested that ‘sufficient resources’ means sufficient to provide for the migrant’s family for five years; a migrant cannot claim to have had sufficient resources for a short period of time between jobs if those resources would not have lasted for five years.

In short, the Court should be wary of following the AG’s lead in backing off from the apparently prohibited area of UK welfare benefits quite so hastily. The Regulation’s personal and material scope, and purpose, cannot simply be ignored or modified, nor can the Directive be transformed into an all-encompassing, higher principle, through pro-Member State judicial activism. The right to reside test adds conditions to the application of the Regulation’s provisions, and it does so in a directly discriminatory way. The Court must address these points honestly; if it is prevented from doing so by the political wind – or if it too conjures up a default forcefield around benefits regardless of type, and gives licence to ‘inevitable’ discrimination – the ramifications will tell not only upon claimants, their children, the vanishing strands of EU citizenship and the obstructed freedom to move, but also upon the Court’s credibility.

A comparison between US and EU data protection legislation for law enforcement purposes

by  Franziska      Boehm (Prof. Dr.,University of Münster, Institute for Information, Telecommunication and Media Law,  Germany)

NOTA BENE THIS STUDY COMPLEMENT ANOTHER PREVIOUS STUDY ON THE SAME SUBJECT  (Bignami, The US legal system on data protection in the field of law enforcement. Safeguards, rights and remedies for EU citizens)

THE FULL  VERSION OF THE NEW STUDY FOR THE EP CIVIL LIBERTIES COMMITEE IS ACCESSIBLE HERE.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY : This study compares EU and US data protection guarantees in the field of law enforcement. The legal approaches to regulate data protection guarantees in law enforcement, in both the EU and the US legal order, vary from their very outset, leading to structural, legal and in  particular  constitutional  differences.

Generally, it can be concluded that the EU data protection framework in the law enforcement sector is shaped by comprehensive data protection guarantees, which are codified in EU primary and secondary law and are accompanied by EU and ECtHR case law. In contrast, US data protection guarantees in the law enforcement and national security contexts are sector specific and are therefore contained within the specific instruments which empower US agencies to process personal data. They vary according to the instruments in  place and  are  far  less  comprehensive.

Above all, constitutional protection is limited. US citizens may invoke protection through the Fourth Amendment and the Privacy Act, but the data protection rights granted in the law enforcement sector are limitedly interpreted with a general tendency to privilege law enforcement and national security interests. Moreover, restrictions to data protection in the law enforcement sector are typically not restricted by proportionality considerations, reinforcing the structural and regular preference of law enforcement and national security interests over the interests of individuals. Regarding the scope and applicability of rights, non-US persons are usually not protected by the existing, already narrowly interpreted, guarantees. The same is true with regards to other US law. When data protection guarantees do exist in federal law, they usually do not include protection for non-US persons.

A majority of the EU data protection standards cannot be found in US law. For instance, rules limiting inter-agency data exchange, exchanges with other third parties, completely independent oversight, strict proportionality rules and effective judicial review possibilities and information requirements for non-US persons on surveillance or data breaches or effective access, and correction and deletion rights simply do not exist at all or are, at best, very limited. These shortcomings are also visible regarding existing data exchange agreements between the US and the EU, such as, for instance, the Safe Harbor regime. Its principles do not  necessarily comply  with the current  EU  data  protection standards.

In particular, the approach to data sharing is fundamentally different. Whereas in EU law every transfer of data to other agencies interferes with fundamental rights and requires specific justification, data sharing in the US between law enforcement authorities and the intelligence community  seems to  be the rule rather  than  the  exception.

Recently introduced US laws such as the Draft Judicial Redress Act or the FREEDOM Act do not fundamentally alter these findings. Whilst the Draft Judicial Redress Act is limited in scope and requires some clarification, the FREEDOM Act is mainly designed to improve the protection of US citizens in the framework of intelligence collection activities. Furthermore, only three out of the four remedies of the Privacy Act are available to EU individuals in the framework of the Draft Judicial Review Act, leaving an individual with no judicial review possibilities in case an agency fails to provide an accurate, relevant, timely and complete treatment  of  the individual’s data. (EMPHASIS ADDED EDC)

Nonetheless, the introduction of stricter access requirements in the FREEDOM Act using a specific selection term for the collection of tangible things and metadata for foreign intelligence   purposes    is    an   improvement    compared    to   the   former   provisions.    Regrettably, this newly introduced restriction does not affect Section 702 of the FISA Amendment Act or Executive Order 12333, which still authorize far-reaching surveillance of foreign intelligence information, including the accessing of communications, content, metadata or other records by governmental agencies. A future instrument regulating EU-US data exchange should address the mentioned issues, as serious concerns about their compatibility with EU fundamental   rights arise.

It can be also deduced, from the comparison, that even if all existing US data protection guarantees in the law enforcement and national security framework were applicable to EU citizens, there would still remain a considerable shortcoming regarding the level of privacy and personal data protection compared to the protection through EU law. Recent proposals and changes through the Draft Judicial Redress Act of 2015 and the FREEDOM Act only partially improve the current situation. The recently initialized “Umbrella Agreement” could lead to changes with regards to data protection guarantees in the law enforcement and national security sectors, but it remains to be seen which specific material rights and guarantees will be included in such an agreement. A leaked version of the Umbrella Agreement was published after the finalization of this study. A brief analysis of the agreement’s  text  is therefore added  in  the  end.

(EMPHASIS ADDED – EDC) 

CONTINUE READING FROM PAGE 9

The European citizens’ initiative and the new (and surprising) routes of EU competence litigation

REBLOGGED FROM “DESPITE OUR DIFFERENCES” (October 5, 2015)
by Daniel Sarmiento, * 

EU competence is a touchy area of EU law. It has become very complex, together with the also intricate case-law on legal bases, which, after several decades of case-law, is not always easy to follow. After the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, EU competence has become a major domain for EU constitutional lawyers and it deserves very careful attention. The fact that the Treaties now include a typology and enumerate EU competences is a sign that many future battles in EU law will be fought in this terrain.

Furthermore, cases like Pringle, Gauweiler or Vodafone prove that issues of competence and legal bases are not the exclusive domain of institutional litigation, but areas that can be brought to the courts by private parties too. The Court has always been sensitive to these cases and it has dealt with them with utmost care, mostly in Grand Chamber formation.

Last week a rather surprising route for EU competence litigation came under the radar. In the case of Anagnostakis (no English version available, I’m afraid), the General Court ruled on an action of annulment brought by a private party against the decision of the Commission to reject, on the grounds of lack of competence, a European citizens’ initiative. Mr. Anagnostakis, together with more than a million supporters, brought a proposal pursuant to article 11.4 TEU and Regulation 211/2011, demanding the Commission to introduce in EU legislation “the principle of state of necessity, according to which, when the financial and political subsistence of a State is at stake due to its duty to comply with an odious debt, the refusal of payment is necessary and justified”. According to the promoters, the legal base of the initiative was to be found in articles 119 TFEU and 144 TFEU.

The Commission did not seem very impressed and, pursuant to articles 4.2,b and 3 of Regulation 211/2011, it refused to register the proposal, based on a lack of competence.

Mr. Anagnostakis introduced an action of annulment before the General Court, attacking the Commission’s Decision for breach of articles 122.1 and 2 TFEU, 136.1 TFEU and rules of international law.

The General Court dismissed the action, but it did not limit itself to scrutinize the Commission’s duty to state reasons. The General Court went into some detail in order to ascertain if haircuts in government debt are not only a competence of the EU, but also in conformity with EU Law. In a rather surprising format and procedural context, the General Court dealt quite openly with one of the Union’s hottest potato at the time: the Greek unsustainable public debt.

It is true that the judgment is quite laconic in its reasoning, but it relies several times on Pringle and Gauweiler when interpreting articles 122 and 136 TFEU. But no matter how laconic it may be, the judgment makes an assertion that will probably not go unnoticed when the Greek public debt becomes politically toxic again. In paragraph 58 of the judgment, the General Court states that “the adoption of a legislative act authorizing a member State to not reimburse its debt, far from being a part of the concept of economic policy guidelines in the sense of article 136.1.b) TFEU […] it would have the effect of substituting the free will of the contracting parties by a legislative instrument allowing for a unilateral abandonment of public debt, which is clearly not what the provision allows” (free translation).

The assertion might be formally correct in light of the limited scope of article 136.1.b) TFEU, but the language of the judgment is politically explosive. Even in legal terms, one wonders if Pringle was openly precluding any kind of haircut of government debt by any means. After reading the General Court’s decision in Anagnostakis, it seems that haircuts will be mission impossible in the future, despite the circumstances, the consensus among Member States (the IMF has been explicitly positive about a future Greek haircut) and, above all, the terms and scope of the haircut.

But of course, this judgment could be just a superficial decision undertaking a superficial degree of scrutiny due to the peculiar procedural context of the case. It could be argued that highly contested issues such as the EU’s competence in the area of EMU is something should be left to the Court of Justice, but not to the General Court in the circumstances of a case like Anagnostakis. The General Court might be aware of this and thus the brief and straight-forward reasoning of the decision. However, after reading the judgment several times, the more I read it the more explosive it sounds to me.

(*) Professor of EU Law at the University Complutense of Madrid

THE PARTY’S OVER: EU DATA PROTECTION LAW AFTER THE SCHREMS SAFE HARBOUR JUDGMEN

ORIGINAL PUBLISHED ON EU LAW ANALYSIS (on Wednesday, 7 October 2015)

by Steve Peers

The relationship between intelligence and law enforcement agencies (and companies like Google and Facebook) and personal data is much like the relationship between children and sweets at a birthday party. Imagine you’re a parent bringing out a huge bowl full of sweets (the personal data) during the birthday party – and then telling the children (the agencies and companies) thatthey can’t have any. But how can you enforce this rule? If you leave the room, even for a moment, the sweets will be gone within seconds, no matter how fervently you insist that the children leave them alone while you’re out. If you stay in the room, you will face incessant and increasingly shrill demands for access to the sweets, based on every conceivable self-interested and guilt-trippy argument. If you try to hide the sweets, the children will overturn everything to find them again.

When children find their demands thwarted by a strict parent, they have a time-honoured circumvention strategy: “When Mummy says No, ask Daddy”. But in the Safe Harbour case, things have happened the other way around. Mummy (the Commission) barely even resisted the children’s demands. In fact, she said Yes hours ago, and retired to the bath with an enormous glass of wine, occasionally shouting out feeble admonitions for the children to tone down their sugar-fuelled rampage. Now Daddy (the CJEU) is home, shocked at the chaos that results from lax parenting. He has immediately stopped the supply of further sweets. But the house is full of other sugary treats, and all the children are now crying. What now?

In this post, I’ll examine the reasons why the Court put its foot down, and invalidated the Commission’s ‘Safe Harbour’ decision which allows transfers of personal data to the USA, in the recent judgment in Schrems. Then I will examine the consequences of the Court’s ruling. But I should probably admit for the record that my parenting is more like Mummy’s than Daddy’s in the above example.

Background

For more on the background to the Schrems case, see here; on the hearing, see Simon McGarr’s summary here; and on the Advocate-General’s opinion, seehere. But I’ll summarise the basics of the case again briefly.

Max Schrems is an Austrian Facebook user who was disturbed by Edward Snowden’s revelations about mass surveillance by US intelligence agencies. Since he believed that transfers of his data to Facebook were subject to such mass surveillance, he complained to the Irish data protection authority, which regulates Facebook’s transfers of personal data from the EU to the USA.

The substantive law governing these transfers of personal data was the ‘Safe Harbour’ agreement between the EU and the USA, agreed back in 2000. This agreement was put into effect in the EU by a decision of the Commission, which was adopted pursuant to powers conferred upon the Commission by the EU’s current data protection Directive. The latter law gives the Commission the power to decide that transfers of personal data outside the EU receive an ‘adequate level of protection’ in particular countries.

The ‘Safe Harbour’ agreement was enforced by self-certification of the companies that have signed up for it (note that not all transfers to the USA fell within the scope of the Safe Harbour decision, since not all American companies signed up). Those promises were in turn meant to be enforced by the US authorities. But it was also possible (not mandatory) for the national data protection authorities which enforce EU data protection law to suspend transfers of personal data under the agreement, if the US authorities or enforcement system found a breach of the rules, or on a list of limited grounds set out in the decision.

The Irish data protection authority refused to consider Schrems’ complaint, so he challenged that decision before the Irish High Court, which doubted that this system was compatible with EU law (or indeed the Irish constitution). So that court asked the CJEU to rule on whether national data protection authorities (DPAs) should have the power to prevent data transfers in cases like these.

The judgment

The CJEU first of all answers the question which the Irish court asks about DPA jurisdiction over data transfers (the procedural point), and then goes on to rule that the Safe Harbour decision is invalid (the substantive point).

Following the Advocate-General’s view, the Court ruled that national data protection authorities have to be able to consider claims that flows of personal data to third countries are not compatible with EU data protection laws if there is an inadequate level of data protection in those countries, even if the Commission has adopted a decision (such as the Safe Harbour decision) declaring that the level of protection is adequate. Like the Advocate-General, the Court based this conclusion on the powers and independence of those authorities, read in light of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, which expressly refers to DPAs’ role and independence. (On the recent CJEU case law on DPA independence, see discussion here). In fact, the new EU data protection law currently under negotiation (the data protection Regulation) will likely confirm and even enhance the powers and independence of DPAs. (More on that aspect of the proposed Regulation here).

The Court then elaborates upon the ‘architecture’ of the EU’s data protection system as regards external transfers. It points out that either the Commission or Member States can decide that a third country has an ‘adequate’ level of data protection, although it focusses its analysis upon what happens if (as in this case) there is a Commission decision to this effect. In that case, national authorities (including DPAs) are bound by the Commission decision, and cannot issue a contrary ruling.

However, individuals like Max Schrems can still complain to the DPAs about alleged breaches of their data protection rights, despite the adoption of the Commission decision. If they do so, the Court implies that the validity of the Commission’s decision is therefore being called into question. While all EU acts must be subject to judicial review, the Court reiterates the usual rule that national courts can’t declare EU acts invalid, since that would fragment EU law: only the CJEU can do that. This restriction applies equally to national DPAs.

So how can a Commission decision on the adequacy of third countries’ data protection law be effectively challenged? The Court explains that DPAs must consider such claims seriously. If the DPA thinks that the claim is unfounded, the disgruntled complainant can challenge the DPA’s decision before the national courts, who must in turn refer the issue of the validity of the decision to the CJEU if they think it may be well founded. If, on the other hand, the DPA thinks the complaint is well-founded, there must be rules in national law allowing the DPA to go before the national courts in order to get the issue referred to the CJEU.

The Court then moves on to the substantive validity of the Safe Harbour decision. Although the national court didn’t ask it to examine this issue, the Court justifies its decision to do this by reference to its overall analysis of the architecture of EU data protection law, as well as the national court’s doubts about the Safe Harbour decision. Indeed, the Court is effectively putting its new architecture into use for the first time, and it’s quite an understatement to say that the national court had doubts about Safe Harbour (it had compared surveillance in the USA to that of Communist-era East Germany).

So what is an ‘adequate level of protection’ for personal data in third countries? The Court admits that the Directive is not clear on this point, so it has to interpret the rules. In the Court’s view, there must be a ‘high’ level of protection in the third country; this does not have to be ‘identical’ to the EU standard, but must be ‘substantially equivalent’ to it.  Otherwise, the objective of ensuring a high level of protection would not be met, and the EU’s internal standards for domestic data protection could easily be circumvented. Also, the means used in the third State to ensure data protection rights must be ‘effective…in practice’, although they ‘may differ’ from that in the EU. Furthermore, the assessment of adequacy must be dynamic, with regular automatic reviews and an obligation for a further review if evidence suggests that there are ‘doubts’ on this score; and the general changes in circumstances since the decision was adopted must be taken into account.

The Court then establishes that in light of the importance of privacy and data protection, and the large number of persons whose rights will be affected if data is transferred to a third country with an inadequate level of data protection, the Commission has reduced discretion, and is subject to ‘strict’ standards of judicial review. Applying this test, two provisions of the ‘Safe Harbour’ decision were invalid.

First of all, the basic decision declaring adequate data protection in the USA (in the context of Safe Harbour) was invalid. While such a decision could, in principle, be based on self-certification, this had to be accompanied by ‘effective detection and supervision mechanisms’ ensuring that infringements of fundamental rights had to be ‘identified and punished in practice’. Self-certification under the Safe Harbour rules did not apply to US public authorities; there was not a sufficient finding that the US law or commitments met EU standards; and the rules could be overridden by national security requirements set out in US law.

Data protection rules apply regardless of whether the information is sensitive, or whether there were adverse consequences for the persons concerned. The Decision had no finding concerning human rights protections as regards the national security exceptions under US law (although the CJEU acknowledged that such rules pursued a legitimate objective), or effective legal protection in that context. This was confirmed by the Commission’s review of the Safe Harbour decision, which found (a) that US authorities could access personal data transferred from the EU, and then process it for purposes incompatible with the original transfer ‘beyond what was strictly necessary and proportionate for the purposes of national security’, and (b) that there was no administrative or judicial means to ensure access to the data and its rectification or erasure.

Within the EU, interference with privacy and data protection rights requires ‘clear and precise rules’ which set out minimum safeguards, as well as strict application of derogations and limitations.  Those principles were breached where, ‘on a generalised basis’, legislation authorises ‘storage of all the personal data of all the persons whose data has been transferred’ to the US ‘without any differentiation, limitation or exception being made in light of the objective pursued’ and without any objective test limiting access of the public authorities for specific purposes. General access to the content of communications compromises the ‘essence’ of the right to privacy. On these points, the Court expressly reiterated the limits on mass surveillance set out in last year’s Digital Rights judgment (discussed here) on the validity of the EU’s data retention Directive. Furthermore, the absence of legal remedies in this regard compromises the essence of the right to judicial protection set out in the EU Charter. But the Commission made no findings to this effect.

Secondly, the restriction upon DPAs taking action to prevent data transfers in the event of an inadequate level of data protection in the USA (in the context of Safe Harbour) was also invalid. The Commission did not have the power under the data protection Directive (read in light of the Charter) to restrict DPA competence in that way. Since these two provisions were inseparable from the rest of the Safe Harbour decision, the entire Decision is invalid. The Court did not limit the effect of its ruling.

Comments

The Court’s judgment comes to the same conclusion as the Advocate-General’s opinion, but with subtle differences that I’ll examine as we go along. On the first issue, the Court’s finding that DPAs must be able to stop data flows if there is a breach of EU data protection laws in a third country, despite an adequacy Decision by the Commission, is clearly the correct result. Otherwise it would be too easy for the standards in the Directive to be undercut by means of transfers to third countries, which the Commission or national authorities might be willing to accept as a trade-off for a trade agreement or some other quid pro quowith the country concerned.

As for the Court’s discussion of the architecture of the data protection rules, the idea of the data protection authorities having to go to a national court if they agree with the complainant that the Commission’s adequacy decision is legally suspect is rather convoluted, since it’s not clear who the parties would be: it’s awkward that the Commission itself would probably not be a party.  It’s unfortunate that the Court did not consider the alternative route of the national DPA calling on the Commission to amend its decision, and bringing a ‘failure to act’ proceeding directly in the EU courts if it did not do so. In the medium term, it would be better for the future so-called ‘one-stop shop’ system under the new data protection Regulation (see discussion here) to address this issue, and provide for a centralised process of challenging the Commission directly.

It’s interesting that the CJEU finds that there can be a national decision on adequacy of data flows to third States, since there’s no express reference to this possibility in the Directive. If such a decision is adopted, or if Member States apply the various mandatory and optional exceptions from the general external data protection rules set out in Article 26 of the data protection Directive, much of the Court’s Schrems ruling would apply in the same way by analogy. In particular, national DPAs must surely have the jurisdiction to examine complaints about the validity of such decisions too. But EU law does not prohibit the DPAs from finding the national decisions invalid; the interesting question is whether it obliges national law to confer such power upon the DPAs. Arguably it does, to ensure the effectiveness of the EU rules. Any decisions on these issues could still be appealed to the national courts, which would have the option (though not the obligation, except for final courts) to ask the CJEU to interpret the EU rules.

As for the validity of the Safe Harbour Decision, the Court’s interpretation of the meaning of ‘adequate’ protection in third States should probably be sung out loud, to the tune of ‘We are the World’. The global reach of the EU’s general data protection rules was already strengthened by last year’s Google Spain judgment (discussed here); now the Court declares that even the separate regime for external transfers is very similar to the domestic regime anyway. There must be almost identical degrees of protection, although the Court does hint that modest differences are permissible: accepting the idea of self-certification, and avoiding the issue of whether third States need an independent DPA (the Advocate-General had argued that they did).

It’s a long way from the judgment in Lindqvist over a decade ago, when the Court anxiously insisted that the external regime should not be turned into a copy of the internal rules; now it’s insistent that there should be as little a gap as possible between them. With respect, the Court’s interpretation is not convincing, since the word ‘adequate’ suggests something less than ‘essentially equivalent’, and the EU Charter does not bind third States.

But having said that, the American rules on mass surveillance would violate even a far more generous interpretation of the meaning of the word ‘adequate’. It’s striking that (unlike the Advocate-General), the Court does not engage in a detailed interpretation of the grounds for limiting Charter rights, but rather states that general mass surveillance of the content of communications affects the ‘essence’ of the right to privacy. That is enough to find an unjustifiable violation of the Charter.

So where does the judgment leave us in practice? Since the Court refers frequently to the primary law rules in the Charter, there’s no real chance to escape what it says by signing new treaties (even the planned TTIP or TiSA), by adopting new decisions, or by amending the data protection Directive. In particular, the Safe Harbour decision is invalid, and the Commission could only replace it with a decision that meets the standards set out in this judgment. While the Court refers at some points to the inadequacy or non-existence of the Commission’s findings in the Decision, it’s hard to believe that a new Decision which purports to claim that the American system now meets the Court’s standards would be valid if the Commission were not telling the truth (or if circumstances subsequently changed).

What standards does the US have to meet? The Court reiterates even more clearly that mass surveillance is inherently a problem, regardless of the safeguards in place to limit its abuse. Indeed, as noted already, the Court ruled that mass surveillance of the content of communications breaches the essence of the right to privacy and so cannot be justified at all. (Surveillance of content which is targeted on suspected criminal activities or security threats is clearly justifiable, however). In addition to a ban on mass surveillance, there must also be detailed safeguards in place. The US might soon be reluctantly willing to address the latter, but it will be even more unwilling to address the former.

Are there other routes which could guarantee that external transfers to the USA take place, at least until the US law is changed? In principle, yes, since (as noted above) there are derogations from the general rule that transfers can only take place to countries with an ‘adequate’ level of data protection. A first set of derogations is mandatory (though Member States can have exceptions in ‘domestic law governing particular cases’): where the data subject gives ‘consent unambiguously’; where the transfer is necessary to perform a contract with (or in the interest of) the data subject, or for pre-contractual relations; where it’s ‘necessary or legally required on important public interest grounds’, or related to legal claims; where it’s ‘necessary to protect the vital interests of the data subject’; or where it’s made from a public register. A second derogation is optional: a Member State may authorise transfers where the controller offers sufficient safeguards, possibly in the form of contractual clauses. The use of the latter derogation can be controlled by the Commission.

It’s hard to see how the second derogation can be relevant, in light of the Court’s concerns about the sufficiency of safeguards under the current law. US access to the data is not necessary in relation to a contract, to protect the data subject, or related to legal claims.  An imaginative lawyer might argue that a search engine (though not a social network) is a modern form of public register; but the record of an individual’s use of a search engine is not.

This leaves us with consent and public interest grounds. Undoubtedly (as the CJEU accepted) national security interests are legitimate, but in the context of defining adequacy, they do not justify mass surveillance or insufficient safeguards. Would the Court’s ruling in Schrems still apply fully to the derogation regarding inadequate protection? Or would it apply in a modified way, or not at all?

As for consent, the CJEU ruled last year in a very different context (credibility assessment in LGBT asylum claims) that the rights to privacy and dignity could not be waived in certain situations (see discussion here). Is that also true to some extent in the context of data protection? And what does unambiguous consent mean exactly? Most people believe they are consenting only to (selected) people seeing what they post on Facebook, and are dimly aware that Facebook might do something with their data to earn money. They may be more aware of mass surveillance since the Snowden revelations; some don’t care, but some (like Max Schrems) would like to use Facebook without such surveillance. Would people have to consent separately to mass surveillance? In that case, would Facebook have to be accessible for those who did not want to sign that separate form? Or could a ‘spy on me’ clause be added at the end of a long (and unread) consent form?  Consent is a crucial issue also in the context of the purely domestic EU data protection rules.

The Court’s ruling has addressed some important points, but leaves an enormous number of issues open. It’s clear that it will take a long time to clear up the mess left from this particular poorly supervised party.

Barnard and Peers: chapter 9