After PRISM : 181 ONGs ask for less surveillance and improved data protection standards..new global standards…

International Principles on the Application of Human Rights to Communications Surveillance

THE ORIGINAL CALL IS  PUBLISHED HERE : https://en.necessaryandproportionate.org/text

Final version 10 July 2013

As technologies that facilitate State surveillance of communications advance, States are failing to ensure that laws and regulations related to communications surveillance adhere to international human rights and adequately protect the rights to privacy and freedom of expression. This document attempts to explain how international human rights law applies in the current digital environment, particularly in light of the increase in and changes to communications surveillance technologies and techniques. These principles can provide civil society groups, industry, States and others with a framework to evaluate whether current or proposed surveillance laws and practices are consistent with human rights.

These principles are the outcome of a global consultation with civil society groups, industry and international experts in communications surveillance law, policy and technology.

Preamble

Privacy is a fundamental human right, and is central to the maintenance of democratic societies. It is essential to human dignity and it reinforces other rights, such as freedom of expression and information, and freedom of association, and is recognised under international human rights law.[1] Activities that restrict the right to privacy, including communications surveillance, can only be justified when they are prescribed by law, they are necessary to achieve a legitimate aim, and are proportionate to the aim pursued.[2]

Before public adoption of the Internet, well-established legal principles and logistical burdens inherent in monitoring communications created limits to State communications surveillance. In recent decades, those logistical barriers to surveillance have decreased and the application of legal principles in new technological contexts has become unclear. The explosion of digital communications content and information about communications, or “communications metadata” — information about an individual’s communications or use of electronic devices — the falling cost of storing and mining large sets of data, and the provision of personal content through third party service providers make State surveillance possible at an unprecedented scale.[3]

Meanwhile, conceptualisations of existing human rights law have not kept up with the modern and changing communications surveillance capabilities of the State, the ability of the State to combine and organize information gained from different surveillance techniques, or the increased sensitivity of the information available to be accessed.

The frequency with which States are seeking access to both communications content and communications metadata is rising dramatically, without adequate scrutiny.[4]

When accessed and analysed, communications metadata may create a profile of an individual’s life, including medical conditions, political and religious viewpoints, associations, interactions and interests, disclosing as much detail as, or even greater detail than would be discernible from the content of communications.[5] Despite the vast potential for intrusion into an individual’s life and the chilling effect on political and other associations, legislative and policy instruments often afford communications metadata a lower level of protection and do not place sufficient restrictions on how they can be subsequently used by agencies, including how they are data-mined, shared, and retained.

In order for States to actually meet their international human rights obligations in relation to communications surveillance, they must comply with the principles set out below. These principles apply to surveillance conducted within a State or extraterritorially.

The principles also apply regardless of the purpose for the surveillance — law enforcement, national security or any other regulatory purpose. They also apply both to the State’s obligation to respect and fulfil individuals’ rights, and also to the obligation to protect individuals’ rights from abuse by non-State actors, including corporate entities.[6] The private sector bears equal responsibility for respecting human rights, particularly given the key role it plays in designing, developing and disseminating technologies; enabling and providing communications; and – where required – cooperating with State surveillance activities. Nevertheless, the scope of the present Principles is limited to the obligations of the State.

Changing technology and definitions

“Communications surveillance” in the modern environment encompasses the monitoring, interception, collection, analysis, use, preservation and retention of, interference with, or access to information that includes, reflects, arises from or is about a person’s communications in the past, present or future. “Communications” include activities, interactions and transactions transmitted through electronic mediums, such as content of communications, the identity of the parties to the communications, location-tracking information including IP addresses, the time and duration of communications, and identifiers of communication equipment used in communications.

Traditionally, the invasiveness of communications surveillance has been evaluated on the basis of artificial and formalistic categories. Existing legal frameworks distinguish between “content” or “non-content,” “subscriber information” or “metadata,” stored data or in transit data, data held in the home or in the possession of a third party service provider.[7]

However, these distinctions are no longer appropriate for measuring the degree of the intrusion that communications surveillance makes into individuals’ private lives and associations. While it has long been agreed that communications content deserves significant protection in law because of its capability to reveal sensitive information, it is now clear that other information arising from communications – metadata and other forms of non-content data – may reveal even more about an individual than the content itself, and thus deserves equivalent protection. Today, each of these types of information might, taken alone or analysed collectively, reveal a person’s identity, behaviour, associations, physical or medical conditions, race, color, sexual orientation, national origins, or viewpoints; or enable the mapping of the person’s location, movements or interactions over time,[8] or of all people in a given location, including around a public demonstration or other political event. As a result, all information that includes, reflects, arises from or is about a person’s communications and that is not readily available and easily accessible to the general public, should be considered to be “protected information”, and should accordingly be given the highest protection in law.

In evaluating the invasiveness of State communications surveillance, it is necessary to consider both the potential of the surveillance to reveal protected information, as well as the purpose for which the information is sought by the State. Communications surveillance that will likely lead to the revelation of protected information that may place a person at risk of investigation, discrimination or violation of human rights will constitute a serious infringement on an individual’s right to privacy, and will also undermine the enjoyment of other fundamental rights, including the right to free expression, association, and political participation. This is because these rights require people to be able to communicate free from the chilling effect of government surveillance. A determination of both the character and potential uses of the information sought will thus be necessary in each specific case.

When adopting a new communications surveillance technique or expanding the scope of an existing technique, the State should ascertain whether the information likely to be procured falls within the ambit of “protected information” before seeking it, and should submit to the scrutiny of the judiciary or other democratic oversight mechanism. In considering whether information obtained through communications surveillance rises to the level of “protected information”, the form as well as the scope and duration of the surveillance are relevant factors. Because pervasive or systematic monitoring has the capacity to reveal private information far in excess of its constituent parts, it can elevate surveillance of non-protected information to a level of invasiveness that demands strong protection.[9]

The determination of whether the State may conduct communications surveillance that interferes with protected information must be consistent with the following principles.

The Principles

Legality: Any limitation to the right to privacy must be prescribed by law. The State must not adopt or implement a measure that interferes with the right to privacy in the absence of an existing publicly available legislative act, which meets a standard of clarity and precision that is sufficient to ensure that individuals have advance notice of and can foresee its application. Given the rate of technological changes, laws that limit the right to privacy should be subject to periodic review by means of a participatory legislative or regulatory process.

Legitimate Aim: Laws should only permit communications surveillance by specified State authorities to achieve a legitimate aim that corresponds to a predominantly important legal interest that is necessary in a democratic society. Any measure must not be applied in a manner which discriminates on the basis of race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

Necessity: Laws permitting communications surveillance by the State must limit surveillance to that which is strictly and demonstrably necessary to achieve a legitimate aim. Communications surveillance must only be conducted when it is the only means of achieving a legitimate aim, or, when there are multiple means, it is the means least likely to infringe upon human rights. The onus of establishing this justification, in judicial as well as in legislative processes, is on the State.

Adequacy: Any instance of communications surveillance authorised by law must be appropriate to fulfil the specific legitimate aim identified.

Proportionality: Communications surveillance should be regarded as a highly intrusive act that interferes with the rights to privacy and freedom of opinion and expression, threatening the foundations of a democratic society. Decisions about communications surveillance must be made by weighing the benefit sought to be achieved against the harm that would be caused to the individual’s rights and to other competing interests, and should involve a consideration of the sensitivity of the information and the severity of the infringement on the right to privacy.

Specifically, this requires that, if a State seeks access to or use of protected information obtained through communications surveillance in the context of a criminal investigation, it must establish to the competent, independent, and impartial judicial authority that:

  1. there is a high degree of probability that a serious crime has been or will be committed;
  2. evidence of such a crime would be obtained by accessing the protected information sought;
  3. other available less invasive investigative techniques have been exhausted;
  4. information accessed will be confined to that reasonably relevant to the crime alleged and any excess information collected will be promptly destroyed or returned; and
  5. information is accessed only by the specified authority and used for the purpose for which authorisation was given.

If the State seeks access to protected information through communication surveillance for a purpose that will not place a person at risk of criminal prosecution, investigation, discrimination or infringement of human rights, the State must establish to an independent, impartial, and competent authority:

  1. other available less invasive investigative techniques have been considered;
  2. information accessed will be confined to what is reasonably relevant and any excess information collected will be promptly destroyed or returned to the impacted individual; and
  3. information is accessed only by the specified authority and used for the purpose for which was authorisation was given.

Competent Judicial Authority: Determinations related to communications surveillance must be made by a competent judicial authority that is impartial and independent. The authority must be:

  1. separate from the authorities conducting communications surveillance;
  2. conversant in issues related to and competent to make judicial decisions about the legality of communications surveillance, the technologies used and human rights; and
  3. have adequate resources in exercising the functions assigned to them.

Due process: Due process requires that States respect and guarantee individuals’ human rights by ensuring that lawful procedures that govern any interference with human rights are properly enumerated in law, consistently practiced, and available to the general public. Specifically, in the determination on his or her human rights, everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent, competent and impartial tribunal established by law,[10] except in cases of emergency when there is imminent risk of danger to human life. In such instances, retroactive authorisation must be sought within a reasonably practicable time period. Mere risk of flight or destruction of evidence shall never be considered as sufficient to justify retroactive authorisation.

User notification: Individuals should be notified of a decision authorising communications surveillance with enough time and information to enable them to appeal the decision, and should have access to the materials presented in support of the application for authorisation. Delay in notification is only justified in the following circumstances:

  1. Notification would seriously jeopardize the purpose for which the surveillance is authorised, or there is an imminent risk of danger to human life; or
  2. Authorisation to delay notification is granted by the competent judicial authority at the time that authorisation for surveillance is granted; and
  3. The individual affected is notified as soon as the risk is lifted or within a reasonably practicable time period, whichever is sooner, and in any event by the time the communications surveillance has been completed. The obligation to give notice rests with the State, but in the event the State fails to give notice, communications service providers shall be free to notify individuals of the communications surveillance, voluntarily or upon request.

Transparency: States should be transparent about the use and scope of communications surveillance techniques and powers. They should publish, at a minimum, aggregate information on the number of requests approved and rejected, a disaggregation of the requests by service provider and by investigation type and purpose. States should provide individuals with sufficient information to enable them to fully comprehend the scope, nature and application of the laws permitting communications surveillance. States should enable service providers to publish the procedures they apply when dealing with State communications surveillance, adhere to those procedures, and publish records of State communications surveillance.

Public oversight: States should establish independent oversight mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of communications surveillance.[11] Oversight mechanisms should have the authority to access all potentially relevant information about State actions, including, where appropriate, access to secret or classified information; to assess whether the State is making legitimate use of its lawful capabilities; to evaluate whether the State has been transparently and accurately publishing information about the use and scope of communications surveillance techniques and powers; and to publish periodic reports and other information relevant to communications surveillance. Independent oversight mechanisms should be established in addition to any oversight already provided through another branch of government.

Integrity of communications and systems: In order to ensure the integrity, security and privacy of communications systems, and in recognition of the fact that compromising security for State purposes almost always compromises security more generally, States should not compel service providers or hardware or software vendors to build surveillance or monitoring capability into their systems, or to collect or retain particular information purely for State surveillance purposes. A priori data retention or collection should never be required of service providers. Individuals have the right to express themselves anonymously; States should therefore refrain from compelling the identification of users as a precondition for service provision.[12]

Safeguards for international cooperation: In response to changes in the flows of information, and in communications technologies and services, States may need to seek assistance from a foreign service provider. Accordingly, the mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs) and other agreements entered into by States should ensure that, where the laws of more than one state could apply to communications surveillance, the available standard with the higher level of protection for individuals is applied. Where States seek assistance for law enforcement purposes, the principle of dual criminality should be applied. States may not use mutual legal assistance processes and foreign requests for protected information to circumvent domestic legal restrictions on communications surveillance. Mutual legal assistance processes and other agreements should be clearly documented, publicly available, and subject to guarantees of procedural fairness.

Safeguards against illegitimate access: States should enact legislation criminalising illegal communications surveillance by public or private actors. The law should provide sufficient and significant civil and criminal penalties, protections for whistle blowers, and avenues for redress by affected individuals. Laws should stipulate that any information obtained in a manner that is inconsistent with these principles is inadmissible as evidence in any proceeding, as is any evidence derivative of such information. States should also enact laws providing that, after material obtained through communications surveillance has been used for the purpose for which information was given, the material must be destroyed or returned to the individual.

Signatories

  1. 7iber (Amman, Jordan)
  2. Access(International)
  3. Acción EsLaRed(Venezuela)
  4. ActiveWatch – – Media Monitoring Agency (Romania)
  5. Africa Platform for Social Protection – APSP (Africa)
  6. AGEIA Densi (Argentina)
  7. Agentura.ru (Russia)
  8. Aktion Freiheit statt Angst(Germany)
  9. Alfa-Redi  (LAC)
  10. All India Peoples Science Network (India)
  11. Alternatif Bilişim Derneği (Alternatif Bilişim) – Turkey(Turkey)
  12. Alternative Law Forum (India)
  13. Arab Digital Expression Foundation(Egypt)
  14. Article 19 (International)
  15. ASL19 (Canada/Iran)
  16. Asociación Civil por la Igualdad y la Justicia – ACIJ (Argentina)
  17. Asociación Colombiana de Usuarios de Internet  (Colombia)
  18. Asociación de Internautas Spain (Spain)
  19. Asociación Paraguaya De Derecho Informático Y Tecnológico – APADIT (Paraguay)
  20. Asociación por los Derechos Civiles – ADC (Argentina)
  21. Aspiration (United States)
  22. Associação Brasileira de Centros de inclusão Digital – ABCID(Brasil)
  23. Associació Pangea Coordinadora Comunicació per a la Cooperació (Spain)
  24. Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression – AFTE (Egypt)
  25. Association for Progressive Communications – APC (International)
  26. Association for Proper Internet Governance (Switzerland)
  27. Association for Technology and Internet – APTI(Romania)
  28. Association of Community Internet Center – APWKomitel(Indonesia)
  29. Australia Privacy Foundation – APF (Australia)
  30. Bahrain Center for Human Rights (Bahrain)
  31. Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication – BNNRC (Bangladesh)
  32. BC Freedom of Information & Privacy Association (BC FIPA) (Canada)
  33. Benetech (USA/Global)
  34. Berlin Forum on Global Politics (BFoGP)(Germany)
  35. Big Brother Watch (United Kingdom)
  36. Bits of Freedom (Netherlands)
  37. Bolo Bhi (Pakistan)
  38. Brasilian Institute for Consumer Defense – IDEC(Brasil)
  39. British Columbia Civil Liberties Association – BCCLA (Canada)
  40. Bytes for All (Pakistan)
  41. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies(Egypt)
  42. Casa de Derechos de Quilmes (Argentina)
  43. Center for Digital Democracy (United States)
  44. Center for Internet & Society India (India)
  45. Center of Media Justice (United States)
  46. Centre for Community Informatics Research, Development and Training(Canada)
  47. Centro de Estudios en Libertad de Expresión y Acceso a la Información – CELE(Argentina)
  48. Centro de Tecnologia e Sociedade (CTS) da FGV  (Brasil)
  49. Centrum Cyfrowe Projekt: Polska (Poland)
  50. Citizen Lab (Canada)
  51. Citizens Network Watchdog Poland (Poland)
  52. ClubComputer.at (Austria)
  53. Collaboration on International ICT Policy in total East and South Africa (CIPESA) (Uganda / Africa )
  54. Colnodo(Colombia)
  55. Comisión Colombiana de Juristas(Colombia)
  56. Comité Cerezo México (México)
  57. Consumer Korea (South Korea)
  58. Consumers International(International)
  59. ContingenteMx  (México)
  60. datapanik.org (Belgium)
  61. DAWN Network  (International)
  62. DEJUSTICIA (Colombia/International)
  63. Delhi Science Forum (India)
  64. Digital Courage (Germany)
  65. Digital Rights Foundation  (Pakistan)
  66. Digitterra (International)
  67. DiploFoundation(International)
  68. Electronic Frontier Finland – EFFI (Finland)
  69. Electronic Frontier Foundation – EFF (International)
  70. Electronic Frontiers Australia – EFA  (Australia)
  71. Electronic Frontiers Italy – ALCEI  (Italy – Europe)
  72. Electronic Privacy Information Center – EPIC  (United States)
  73. European Digital Rights – EDRI  (Europe)
  74. European Information Society Institute – EISi(Slovakia)
  75. Fight for the Future  (United States)
  76. Foro Ciudadano de Participación por la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos – FOCO (Argentina)
  77. Foundation for Community Educational Media – FCEM (Thailand)
  78. Foundation for Information Policy Research – FIPR (United Kingdom)
  79. Free Network Foundation  (United States)
  80. Free Press (United States)
  81. Free Press Unlimited(Netherlands)
  82. Free Software Foundation Europe(Europe)
  83. Free Software Movement of India  (India)
  84. Freedom Against Censorship Thailand (FACT) (Thailand )
  85. Freedom of the Press Foundation (United States)
  86. Fundación Ambio (Costa Rica)
  87. Fundación Andina para la Observación y el Estudio de Medios  (Ecuador)
  88. Fundación Karisma (Colombia)
  89. Fundación Redes y Desarrollo – FUNREDES (República Dominicana – El Caribe)
  90. Fundación Vía Libre (Argentina)
  91. Global Voices Advocacy(International)
  92. Grupo de Software Libre de Cúcuta(Cúcuta, Norte de Santander, Colombia)
  93. Gulf Center for Human Rights  (Arab Gulf region)
  94. Hackerspace Rancho Electrónico (Mexico)
  95. Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, Warsaw – HFHR (Poland)
  96. Hiperderecho (Peru)
  97. Human Rights Data Analysis Group(International)
  98. Human Rights Watch – HRW  (International)
  99. ICT Consumers Association of Kenya – ICAK(Kenya)
  100. Independent Journalism Center from Moldova(Republic of Moldova)
  101. Index on Censorship  (United Kingdom)
  102. Initiative for Freedom of Expression(Turkey)
  103. Initiative für Netzfreiheit  (Austria)
  104. Institute des Technologies de l’Information et de la Communication Pour le Developpement – INTIC4DEV (Africa)
  105. Instituto Baiano de Direito Processual Penal – IBADPP (Brasil/Bahia)
  106. Instituto Bem Estar Brasil (Brasil)
  107. Instituto NUPEF (Brasil)
  108. International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group(Canada)
  109. International Media Support – IMS  (International)
  110. International Modern Media Institute  (Iceland / International)
  111. Internet Governance Project, Syracuse University School of Information Studies (United States)
  112. Internet Society Palestine (Palestine)
  113. InternetNZ (New Zealand)
  114. Internews  (United States)
  115. IP Justice  (United States)
  116. Iraqi Network for Social Media (Iraq)
  117. Iriarte & Asociados  (Peru)
  118. ISOC Board of Trustees(International)
  119. IT for Change  (India)
  120. Iuridicum Remedium, o.s.(Czech Republic)
  121. Jonction (Mauritania, Senegal, Tanzania)
  122. Jordan Open Source Association(Jordan)
  123. Journaliste en danger (JED)  (Démocratique du Congo / Africa)
  124. Kenya ICT Action Network – KICTANet (Kenya)
  125. Kenyan Ethical and Legal Issues Network  (Kenya)
  126. La Quadrature du Net  (France/Europe)
  127. Latin American Network of Surveillance, Technology and Society Studies – LAVITS  (Latin America)
  128. Liberty  (United Kingdom)
  129. Liga Uruguaya de Defensa del Consumidor(Uruguay)
  130. Liga voor Mensenrechten vzw  (Belgium)
  131. May First / People Link  (United States/international)
  132. Media Action Grassroots Network – MAG-Net  (United States)
  133. Media Rights Agenda – MRA  (Ikeja, Lagos)
  134. MOGiS e.V. – A Voice for Victims (Germany)
  135. Movimento Mega (Brasil)
  136. Nawaat  (Tunisia)
  137. New York Chapter of the Internet Society(United States)
  138. Oneworld: Platform for Southeast Europe – OWPSEE  (Western Balkans)
  139. Open Internet Tools Project – Open ITP  (United States)
  140. Open Knowledge Foundation  (United Kingdom)
  141. Open Media and Information Companies Initiative – Open MIC  (United States)
  142. Open Net Korea (South Korea)
  143. Open Rights Group  (United Kingdom)
  144. Openmedia.ca  (Canada)
  145. Pacific Freedom Forum (Pacific Region)
  146. Pakistan Press Foundation – PPF (Pakistan)
  147. Palestinian Center for Development & Media Freedoms – MADA (Palestine)
  148. Panoptykon Foundation (Poland)
  149. Partners for Democratic Change Serbia(Serbia)
  150. People Who  (International)
  151. Privacy & Access Council of Canada(Canada)
  152. Privacy Activism  (United States)
  153. Privacy International (International)
  154. PROTEGE QV (Cameroon/ Africa)
  155. Public Association “Journalists” (Kyrgyzstan)
  156. RedPaTodos  (Colombia)
  157. Reporters Without Borders – RSF  (International)
  158. Samuelson-Glushko Canadian Internet Policy and Public Interest Clinic – CIPPIC (Canada)
  159. SHARE Conference | SHARE Defense  (Balkan Region)
  160. Social Media Exchange  (Lebanon)
  161. Society for Knowledge Commons(India)
  162. Software Freedom Law Centre  (India)
  163. Southeast Asian Press Alliance (South East Asia)
  164. Statewatch  (United Kingdom)
  165. Sulá Batsú  (Costa Rica)
  166. Surveillance Studies Centre(Ontario, Canada)
  167. Surveillance Studies Network  (International)
  168. TagMeNot  Taiwan Association for Human Rights(Taiwan)
  169. TechLiberty (New Zealand)
  170. TEDIC  (Paraguay)
  171. Thai Netizen Network(Thailand)
  172. The New Renaissance Network(Sweden)
  173. TransMediar-Pimentalab [at] Universidade Federal de São Paulo  (Brazil)
  174. University of Campinas – Research Group CTeMe (Knowledge, Technology and Market) (Brasil)
  175. University of São Paulo’s Research Group on Access to Information Policies (GPoPAI-USP) (Brasil)
  176. Ushahidi  (International)
  177. VIBE!AT  (Austria)
  178. Voices for Interactive Choice and Empowerment(Bangladesh)
  179. West African Journalists Association (West Africa)
  180. WITNESS  (International)
  181. Zwiebelfreunde e.V.  (Germany)

[1]Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 12, United Nations Convention on Migrant Workers Article 14, UN Convention of the Protection of the Child Article 16, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Article 17; regional conventions including Article 10 of the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, Article 11 of the American Convention on Human Rights, Article 4 of the African Union Principles on Freedom of Expression, Article 5 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, Article 21 of the Arab Charter on Human Rights, and Article 8 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; Johannesburg Principles on National Security, Free Expression and Access to Information, Camden Principles on Freedom of Expression and Equality.

[2]Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 29; General Comment No. 27, Adopted by The Human Rights Committee Under Article 40, Paragraph 4, Of The International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights, CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.9, November 2, 1999; see also Martin Scheinin, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism,” 2009, A/HRC/17/34.

[3]Communications metadata may include information about our identities (subscriber information, device information), interactions (origins and destinations of communications, especially those showing websites visited, books and other materials read, people interacted with, friends, family, acquaintances, searches conducted, resources used), and location (places and times, proximities to others); in sum, metadata provides a window into nearly every action in modern life, our mental states, interests, intentions, and our innermost thoughts.

[4]For example, in the United Kingdom alone, there are now approximately 500,000 requests for communications metadata every year, currently under a self-authorising regime for law enforcement agencies who are able to authorise their own requests for access to information held by service providers. Meanwhile, data provided by Google’s Transparency reports shows that requests for user data from the U.S. alone rose from 8888 in 2010 to 12,271 in 2011. In Korea, there were about 6 million subscriber/poster information requests every year and about 30 million requests for other forms of communications metadata every year in 2011-2012, almost of all of which were granted and executed. 2012 data available at http://www.kcc.go.kr/user.do?mode=view&page=A02060400&dc=K02060400&boardId=1030&cp=1&boardSeq=35586

[5]See as examples, a review of Sandy Petland’s work, ‘Reality Mining’, in MIT’s Technology Review, 2008, available at http://www2.technologyreview.com/article/409598/tr10-reality-mining/ and also see Alberto Escudero-Pascual and Gus Hosein, ‘Questioning lawful access to traffic data’, Communications of the ACM, Volume 47 Issue 3, March 2004, pages 77 – 82.

[6]Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Frank La Rue, May 16 2011, available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/17session/a.hrc.17.27_en.pdf

[7]“People disclose the phone numbers that they dial or text to their cellular providers, the URLS that they visit and the e-mail addresses with which they correspond to their Internet service providers, and the books, groceries and medications they purchase to online retailers . . . I would not assume that all information voluntarily disclosed to some member of the public for a limited purpose is, for that reason alone, disentitled to Fourth Amendment protection.” United States v. Jones, 565 U.S. ___, 132 S. Ct. 945, 957 (2012) (Sotomayor, J., concurring).

[8]“Short-term monitoring of a person’s movements on public streets accords with expectations of privacy” but “the use of longer term GPS monitoring in investigations of most offenses impinges on expectations of privacy.” United States v. Jones, 565 U.S., 132 S. Ct. 945, 964 (2012) (Alito, J. concurring).

[9]“Prolonged surveillance reveals types of information not revealed by short-term surveillance, such as what a person does repeatedly, what he does not do, and what he does ensemble. These types of information can each reveal more about a person than does any individual trip viewed in isolation. Repeated visits to a church, a gym, a bar, or a bookie tell a story not told by any single visit, as does one’s not visiting any of these places over the course of a month. The sequence of a person’s movements can reveal still more; a single trip to a gynecologist’s office tells little about a woman, but that trip followed a few weeks later by a visit to a baby supply store tells a different story.* A person who knows all of another’s travels can deduce whether he is a weekly church goer, a heavy drinker, a regular at the gym, an unfaithful husband, an outpatient receiving medical treatment, an associate of particular individuals or political groups – and not just one such fact about a person, but all such facts.” U.S. v. Maynard, 615 F.3d 544 (U.S., D.C. Circ., C.A.)p. 562; U.S. v. Jones, 565 U.S. __, (2012), Alito, J., concurring. “Moreover, public information can fall within the scope of private life where it is systematically collected and stored in files held by the authorities. That is all the truer where such information concerns a person’s distant past…In the Court’s opinion, such information, when systematically collected and stored in a file held by agents of the State, falls within the scope of ‘private life’ for the purposes of Article 8(1) of the Convention.” (Rotaru v. Romania, [2000] ECHR 28341/95, paras. 43-44.

[10]The term “due process” can be used interchangeably with “procedural fairness” and “natural justice”, and is well articulated in the European Convention for Human Rights Article 6(1) and Article 8 of the American Convention on Human Rights.

[11]The UK Interception of Communications Commissioner is an example of such an independent oversight mechanism. The ICO publishes a report that includes some aggregate data but it does not provide sufficient data to scrutinise the types of requests, the extent of each access request, the purpose of the requests, and the scrutiny applied to them. See http://www.iocco-uk.info/sections.asp?sectionID=2&type=top.

[12]Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Frank La Rue, 16 May 2011, A/HRC/17/27, para 84.

NEW!! : subscribe to the first summer school on the EAFSJ…

 

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Roma, 8-11 July
Sala conferenze Fondazione Basso – via della Dogana Vecchia, 5 – Roma

The European Area of Freedom Security and Justice (EAFSJ): scope, objectives, actors and dynamics.

Night view of Europe

Aim: to take stock of the current state of EAFSJ and of its foreseeable evolution within the next multiannual program 2015-2019 (to be adopted under Italian Presidency at the beginning of the next legislature).
Lenght: 4 one day modules
Subscriptions: on line on the Fondazione Basso internet site : http://www.fondazionebasso.it
Participation fees:

Euro 480,00 (ORDINARY FEE).
Euro 200,00 (FOR STUDENTS / RESEARCHERS) .
(Bank Account of Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso – Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Ag. Senato Palazzo Madama: IBAN IT18I0100503373000000002777 ).
Subscriptions should be submitted before June 15th.The Summer School will take place only if a minimum number of subscribers is reached !For further information : tel. 0039.06.6879953 – basso@fondazionebasso.it
Languages: lessons will be mainly in Italian (some lessons will be in English and French), teaching material will be in Italian and/or English, French.
English/Italian translation will be available.
The programme is on the web-site of Fondazione Basso (www.fondazionebasso.it -Tel. 06.6879953 – email: basso@fondazionebasso.it)

July 8th
A Constitutional and Institutional perspective
09h00 am – 06h30 pm

Opening speeches:
Valerio Onida: Freedom, Security and Justice related policies from a constitutional perspective and in relation with international and supranational dimensions
Stefano Manservisi: After the Stockholm Programme : how to preserve the specificity of the European Area of freedom security and Justice related policies by integrating them in the general EU governance and legal framework?

Debate

Freedom Security and Justice as the core of the common constitutional european heritage
Protecting fundamental rights: the impact of the accession of the EU to the ECHR. A common European Constitutional Heritage arising from the Council of Europe and European Union European Courts. What can be expected from the Strasbourg Human Rights Court in areas related to the FSJ?.

Speaker: Giuseppe Cataldi

Freedom Security and Justice as the core of the common constitutional european heritage
Promoting fundamental rights: the European Charter and its impact on EU policies. Even if the Charter does not extend the EU competencies it is now a constitutional parameter to be taken in account not only by the European judges but also by the EU legislature, even for policies designed with a more limited scope.

Speaker:Ezio Perillo

Debate

Evolution and transformation of the principle of Primacy of EU law. Dialogue and mutual influence of European and national Constitutional Courts.
Fifty years after the landmark case of Van Gend en Loos and four years after the Lissabon-Urteil (Bundesverfassungsgericht judgment of 30.6.2009), the tensions between EU “limits” and national “counter-limits” could arise again notably in the EAFSJ area.

Speaker: Oreste Pollicino

The EAFSJ a cross road of European and national founding values (art. 2), as well as for fundamental and European citizenship rights. How manage the indivisibility of rights and a Member States differentiated integration ?
(Opt-in Opt-out Countries). How far can the EU impact on Member States internal legislation (Towards a “reverse Solange” mechanism)? How the EU and Council of Europe can influence national fundamental rights related policies

Speaker: Nicoletta Parisi

The EAFSJ as supranational constitutional area of democracy. From National State to the European Union: what kind of relation between national and european legal orders ?
Sixty years of EU integration have changed the concept of democracy and sovereignty. There is a metamorphosis in National State’ s traditional role and its constitutional elements such as territory, citizenship and sovereign power. The Kantian vision of a peaceful cosmopolitan project mirrors the category of EU citizenship arising in the EAFSJ. Today Habermas developed the concept of “Constitutional patriottism”, underlying a “constitutionalisation” of the European supranational area. What are the pro and cons of this EU perspective ? The post-Lisbon Treaty stressed that the EAFSJ is becoming the embryo of a European public sphere as well as of a first example of supranational democracy.

Speaker: Francesca Ferraro

Debate

July 9th
Institutional dynamics and EU practices
09h30 am – 06h30 pm

The EAFSJ before Lisbon. The intergovernmental cooperation. From “TREVI” via “Schengen” to Amsterdam. The first phase.
How formerly excluded EAFSJ related policies have been integrated into the EU framework. TREVI cooperation, the Schengen agreement (1985) and its 1990 Implementing Convention as well as the Dublin Convention on Asylum.
The emerging notion of supranational space in the Single European Act (1986). The mutual recognition principle in the Internal Market and in EAFSJ-related policies. The Schengen Acquis in the EU legal framework from Amsterdam to Lisbon. Opt-in and Opt-out Countries: the impact of differentiated integration. Schengen relevance and ECJ jurisprudence on the preservation of the Schengen system consistency. From cooperation to integration.

Speaker: Dino Rinoldi

Debate

The EAFSJ after Lisbon (1). How the EAFSJ specificity has been preserved by progressively integrating it in the ordinary EU (communitarized) legal institutional framework. The impact on the EU institutions and on the MS.
Dynamics and the role of the Institutions in promoting, negotiating and implementing the EAFSJ-related policies. European Council, European Parliament, Council of the European Union, Commission and Court of Justice interplaying in the EAFSJ. The preparatory work conducted behind the scene by the Commission Directorates General, the Council working bodies – COREPER, CATS, COSI – and the EP parliamentary committees

Speaker: Antonio Caiola

The EAFSJ after Lisbon (2) How democratic principles are fulfilled in the EAFSJ. The impact of the EP on legislative procedures.
The interparliamentary dialogue and the way how the EP and national parliaments play their role when verifying the subsidiarity and proportionality principles in the EAFSJ policies. The emerging role at EU level of “political families” represented at national European and international level (European political parties, EP political groups, national parties).

Speaker: Emilio De Capitani

Debate

The EAFSJ after Lisbon (3). How EU policies are framed and implemented at national level. How cooperation, mutual recognition and harmonisation are implemented
How EAFSJ policies are implemented at national level. Problems and opportunities arising notably when implementing the mutual recognition of other EU countries’ measures. How intertwined are the EU and national administration in the EAFSJ related policies. Is there complementarity between EU and National strategies? The EU financial levy as a facilitator of mutual EU-national coordination. The emerging role of EU Authorities and Agencies as a support and meeting space also for national administrations (Ombudsman, FRA, EDPS, FRONTEX, EASO, EMCDDA, EUROPOL, OLAF, CEPOL, EUROJUST, …).

Speaker: Lorenzo Salazar

Debate

July 10th
An European space of freedom and rights
09h30 am- 06h30 pm

The EAFSJ after Lisbon (4) Placing the individuale at the heart of EU activities
How EU legislation implements the principles of equality and non-discrimination. The ECJ jurisprudence and the phenomenon of reverse discrimination. EU citizenship-related jurisprudence. Judicial action at national and European level founded on the EU Charter. Infringement of EU founding values and fundamental rights as possible exceptions to the mutual recognition obligations? Fundamental Rights Agency.

Speaker: Valentina Bazzocchi

The EU evolving framework of Transparency, access to documents, principle of good administration, and of classified information
After Lisbon a more transparent independent and efficient EU administration can be founded on Arts 15 and 298 of the TFEU as well as Arts 41 and 42 of the European Charter. However the close intertwining of the EU and the Member States has created a hybrid system of European Classified Information (EUCI), which is particularly relevant in the EAFSJ policies. How do European and national institutions implement the EU principles? How is the principle of good administration secured? What role should the EU Ombudsman play?

Speaker: Deirdre Curtin

Protection of Personal Data. The EU reform.
After the Lisbon Treaty and the merger of the so-called first and third pillars, protection of personal data can be framed in a globally consistent manner. Informational self determination, protection against possible abuses by the private sector as well as by public sector (law enforcement authorities) can now be framed at European level by taking stock of the lessons learned at national and international level (Council of Europe, OECD). How to preserve the role of national authorities and of the new coordinating body.

Speaker: Vanna Palumbo

Freedom of movement border integrated management
Freedom of movement of European citizens as well as of third country nationals in the EU remains a central and controversial issue. The integrated external border management is progressively framed at legislative level (borders, visas..) and implemented at operational level also thanks to the emerging role of Frontex and of the new European networks (SIS II – VIS). New opportunities as well as risks emerge in the definition of the EU-Member State management of internal and external borders

Speaker: Luisa Marin

Debate

European Migratory policies
Objectives, legal framework and operational setting of the EU-Member State policies. Five years after the European Pact on Asylum and Migration (2008), what lessons can be drawn for the next (2015-2019) multiannual programme? What improvements can be foreseen for the EU migration governance at central and national level? How are the Member States implementing the EU legislation? What are the main external aspects of the EU migration policy?

Speaker: Henry Labayle

The European common asylum system (and of EASO and EURODAC)
After the first generation of EU “minimum” rules the EU has now established the Common European Asylum System foreseen by Art. 18 of the Charter and Art 78 of the TFEU by taking account of the jurisprudence of the Luxembourg and Strasbourg Courts. At national level high standards should be granted to avoid the problems found for instance with Greece when implementing the Dublin system. The principle of solidarity still seems to be underexploited. Attention should be paid to the new role of EASO (Reg. (EU) No 439/2010) as well as to the implementation of the EURODAC system.

Speaker: Patricia Van de Peer

Debate

July 11
An European space of security and justice
09h30 am -06h30 pm

Judicial cooperation in civil matters; complement of the freedom of movement?
Judicial cooperation in civil matters has been one of the most dynamic domains after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. Enhanced cooperation took place in matrimonial matters and intellectual property. Special attention will be reserved for the recently revised Brussels I Regulation (which abolished the “exequatur” procedure) as well as for the new Regulations on succession and wills and on mutual recognition of protection measures in civil matters.

Speaker: Filomena Albano

Internal security strategy: crisis prevention and management.
Special attention will be paid to the implementation of the 2010 European Internal Security Strategy and its impact on the cooperation between the EU institutions and agencies as framed by the “Policy Cycle” for the 2013-2017 period. There will also be a presentation of the implementation of PRUM cooperation and of the “availability principle” as well as the way how security- and intelligence-related information is exchanged notably within the framework of the so-called “Swedish Initiative”. The role played by COSI, Europol and of the internal security fund will be presented and debated together with the impact of the up-coming “Lisbonisation” of EU measures adopted before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty

Speaker: Sandro Menichelli

Debate

Judicial Cooperation in criminal matters
How judicial cooperation in criminal matters has been developed between countries of different legal traditions (civil and common law). Problems and opportunities arising at each level of cross-border cooperation (open coordination, mutual recognition, legislative harmonisation). The European jurisprudence (Strasbourg and Luxembourg Courts) as well as the impact of the EU Charter. The implementation of the first post-Lisbon measures and impact of the Lisbonisation of former third pillar measures in this domain. Preserving the independence of the judiciary: towards European-wide judiciary quality evaluation systems.

Speaker: Luca De Matteis

The European Public Prosecutor: a pattern also for Member States?
The OLAF Reform and the Eurojust “Lisbonisation” are intermediate phases towards the creation of the European Public Prosecutor’s office (EPPO) (Art. 86 TFEU). The latter will be empowered to bring action also before national courts. The European legislation will determine the general rules applicable to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, the conditions governing the performance of its functions, the rules of procedure applicable to its activities, as well as those governing the admissibility of evidence, and the rules applicable to the judicial review of procedural measures taken by it in the performance of its functions. What will be the impact, the risks and opportunities arising from the creation of this new European Institution?

Speaker: Claudia Gualtieri

How to empower the EU citizens when EAFSJ are shaped and implemented ?
Round Table with the Intervention of Paul Nemitz, Antonie Cahen, Robert Bray Tony Bunyan

Final Debate

PRESENTATION OF THE COURSE

The Treaty of Lisbon and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, which entered into force on 1 December 2009, constituted an important step both at the legal level and at the political level in the evolution of the European Union. The aim of the EU now is not only “… to promote peace, its values and the well-being of its peoples”, having presided over, since the end of the Second World War, the longest ever period of peace between European States, but also to achieve “… an area of freedom, security and justice with respect for fundamental rights and the different legal systems and traditions of the Member States.”

After the Treaty of Lisbon, the policies already provided for in the Maastricht Treaty within the framework of the so-called “third pillar” and originally focused mainly on intergovernmental cooperation and cooperation between administrations, are now to evolve into European “common policies” directly towards the interests of the individual, who is placed “at the heart of European integration.”

It is a Copernican revolution in so far as the Union is called not only to offer “… its citizens an area of freedom, security and justice without internal frontiers, in which the free movement of persons is ensured in conjunction with appropriate measures with respect to external border controls, asylum, immigration and the prevention and combating of crime” (Art. 3 TEU and Title V TFEU) but also to promote (and not only protect) fundamental rights and prevent all forms of discrimination (Art. 10 TFEU) and strengthen EU citizenship (Arts 18-25 TFEU) and with it the democratic principles on which it is based (Title II TEU).

The fact that the competences related to the ASFJ are now “shared” with the Member States (Art. 4 TEU) and are to be focused on the rights of the person brings about a daily interaction between the national and the European level, bringing into play national and European values, rights and objectives.

The process of reciprocal hybridization between the nascent European model and traditional national models is anything but politically painless, as the experience of almost thirty years of Schengen cooperation shows.

The aim of this Summer School is to assess the progress and difficulties encountered by the European institutions and the Member States in implementing the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the objectives set by the European Council in the “Stockholm Programme” of 10 December 2009.

Based on this evaluation, we intend to shed light on the possible priority bearing in mind that:
– it will be necessary to adjust the secondary legislation of the European Union in the light of the values and principles which are now enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty and the Charter of Fundamental Rights (“Lisbonisation”);
– we shall be in the final phase of the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights;
– at the beginning of the next legislature, we will be entering into a new phase in the European judicial area with the negotiations on the establishment of the European Public Prosecutor and the transition to the ordinary legislative procedure with regard to measures of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty (the transitional arrangements end on 1 December 2014);
– Member States which have hitherto enjoyed special treatment (Ireland, Denmark and the United Kingdom in particular) should have clarified their position with respect to the new phase of the ASFJ and the Schengen cooperation.

In the course of the next legislature it will also be necessary to promote greater consistency between European and national strategies related to the European area of freedom, security and justice. Just as in the economic sphere, the divergence of national public policies has put at risk the credibility of the common currency, the diversity of standards for the protection of the rights in Member States is straining mutual trust, the application of the principle of mutual recognition and the very credibility of the nascent “European model”. The strengthening of the operational solidarity between Member States’ administrations – which is being developed for example within the framework of Schengen cooperation – must be accompanied by legislative, operational and financial measures that implement solidarity between European citizens and third-country nationals on the territory of the Union.

In this perspective, Italy may play an important role as the new multi-annual programme for 2015-2019 is to be adopted by the second half of 2014 under the Italian Presidency.

Speakers:

Academics:
Valerio Onida, Former President of the Italian Constitutional Court
Giuseppe Cataldi, Pro-rettore Università L’Orientale (Napoli)
Oreste Pollicino, Public comparative law Professor  (Università Bocconi – Milano)
Nicoletta Parisi, EU Law Professor  (Università Catania)
Francesca Ferraro, Visiting Professor (Università L’Orientale – Napoli)
Dino Rinoldi, International Law Professor  (Università Cattolica – Piacenza)
Valentina Bazzocchi, PHD EU Law (Alma Mater Università Bologna)
Deirdre Curtin, Professor of European Law (University of Amsterdam – NL),
Luisa Marin, Assistant Professor of European Law (University of Twente – NL)
Henri Labayle, Professeur de Droit international et européen (Université de Pau et des
pays de l’Adour – France)

Representatives and officials of European and national administrations:
Ezio Perillo (European Civil Service Tribunal)
Stefano Manservisi DG of the Commission DG Home
Paul Nemitz Director at the Commission DG Justice
Antoine Cahen, Patricia Van Den Peer, Claudia Gualtieri (European Parliament)
Filomena Albano, Luca De Matteis, Lorenzo Salazar (Italian Justice Ministery)
Sandro Menichelli (UE Italian Permanent Representation )
Vanna Palumbo (Garante Privacy IT)

Representatives of Civil Society:
Tony Bunyan, Director of Statewatch,Emilio De Capitani, FREE Group Secretary and Visiting Professor (Università L’Orientale – Napoli)

BuonGoverno

Towards Europol 2.0 : first obstacles during the parliamentary debate…

by Marine Marx

The long awaited Commission legislative proposal updating Europol to the new legal framework as described by art 88 of the TFEU has been recently submitted to the European Parliament and to the Council of the European Union. Quite surprisingly the first issue which has arisen during the parliamentary debate has been the proposed fusion of Europol with CEPOL (the European Agency in charge of training Law enforcement authorities).

The fusion of Europol and Cepol as a first test of a new general policy on EU agencies

It is worth recalling that this proposal comply with the general EU objective to make some order in the recent mushrooming of EU agencies (already 32, 23 of them created only in the last ten years). These decentralized agencies are playing an essential role not only in the implementation phase at technical, scientific and operational level but also when shaping new strategies and proposing new legislation in all EU domains of competence. However, as explained in a Joint Statement of the European Parliament, the Council of the EU and the European Commission on decentralized agencies[1], their creation has been done on a case by case basis without an overall vision of their role and place in the European institutional and legal framework. This led to an increase of decentralized agencies in a way that lack of consistency. To face these distortions, the Commission explained in the Roadmap on the follow-up to the Common Approach on EU decentralised agencies[2] its objectives to reach a more balanced governance, improved efficiency and accountability and greater coherence.

Thus, one of the major objectives is to enhance agencies’ efficiency and accountability. One of the initiatives to be pursued in this respect is to seek synergies between agencies, such as the possibility of sharing services based on proximity of locations or policy area or that of merging agencies whose tasks are overlapping and which would more efficient if inserted in a bigger structure.

This point stressed in the Common Approach establishes the foundations for the Commission’s proposal on a revision of Europol and its potential merger with CEPOL.

However merging Europol and Cepol risks to be a bumpy road..

On Tuesday, the 7th of May, a debate was held within the European Parliament’s civil liberties committee (LIBE) about the merger of the European Police College (Cepol) with the European Police Cooperation Agency (Europol). Thus, the LIBE committee organized during its meeting an exchange of views with Dr Ferenc Banfi, Director of CEPOL and Rob Wainwright, Director of Europol and the Chairs of the Management Boards on the proposal of a merger between Europol and CEPOL.

Continue reading “Towards Europol 2.0 : first obstacles during the parliamentary debate…”

Terrorism and “Intelligence-led policing”: the German Constitutional Court draws its “red lines”..

On April 23rd, shortly after the European Union started working on the new Europol legal framework which is deemed to align the main intelligence led policy Agency with the Lisbon Treaty and with the European Charter the German Constitutional Court (BVG) decided to impose a strict separation between the work of the police and intelligence services. As in several other cases where the BVG jurisprudence has influenced also the European legislature this ruling will be probably thouroughly analysed also in Brussels even if the BVG maintain that the issue falls under the national exclusive competence. Therefore it will be more than likely that the principles outlined in this ruling would be taken in account in the EU draft legislation on data protection when these data are collected for security purposes.

According to the BVG press release  (emphasis added) “…For the Karlsruhe based court, the exchange of data between the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, intelligence services, military counter-intelligence and the police amounts to — a severe infringement of the rights of those concerned, which is why it can only be allowed in exceptional cases. The judges did, however, authorise an “anti-terrorist” listing, while declaring another “secret service contact” listing unconstitutional. Initiated in 2006, the second database contains information on 18,000 potential terrorists, supplied by 38 intelligence services.
The counter-terrorism database is in its fundamental structures compatible with the Basic Law. However, it does not meet the constitutional requirements regarding specific aspects of its design.
This is what the First Senate of the Federal Constitutional Court decided in a judgment that was issued on April 23. Under certain conditions, the unconstitutional provisions can continue to be applied until new regulation has been enacted, but no later than until 31 December 2014.

The Decision is Essentially Based on the Following Considerations: Continue reading “Terrorism and “Intelligence-led policing”: the German Constitutional Court draws its “red lines”..”

The EP Committee rejects the proposal for an european passenger name record system (PNR)

written by Marine MARX

Wednesday the 24th of April, the EP Civil Liberties committee rejected the Commission Proposal for on the use of Passenger Name Record data (EU PNR). This proposal aimed at allowing the transfer of air passengers’ data for security purposes inside the EU territory.

Indeed, air carriers should collect PNR data from passengers during reservation and check-in procedures for flights entering or leaving the EU. PNR includes notably the passenger’s name, address, phone number, credit card details as well as “free text” linked with the management of the travel contract. Following an already settled US and Canada and Australia practices[1], the Commission proposed in February 2011 to oblige air carriers to provide EU countries with the data of passengers entering or leaving the EU, for use in preventing, detecting, investigating and prosecuting serious crime and terrorist offences.

The result of the vote led the Civil Liberties committee to a heated debate between the ones in favor of an EU PNR Scheme and the ones who voted against it (30 against, 25 in favour).  This division has come without surprise on this issue as the PNR saga dates back to an EP resolution in March 2003[2] and has always been a divisive topic.

Continue reading “The EP Committee rejects the proposal for an european passenger name record system (PNR)”

Analysis :The second phase of the Common European Asylum System: A brave new world – or lipstick on a pig? By Professor Steve Peers, (*) University of Essex

ORIGINAL PUBLISHED ON STATEWATCH

(* FREE Group Member)

8 April 2013

Several years ago, the EU set itself the deadline of 2010 – later postponed to 2012 – for completing the second phase of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Near the end of March 2013, the European Parliament (EP) and the Council (the Member States’ interior ministers) finally agreed upon the texts of the two remaining legislative measures to this end.
No further EU measures on asylum (other than a revision of the current European Refugee Fund) are currently under discussion or planned for the time being. So the recently agreed rules will likely govern the issue of asylum in the EU for a number of years to come.

The objectives of the second phase of the Common European Asylum System were set out in the policy plan on asylum published by the Commission in 2008 (see the links below). This policy plan began by pointing out some key general trends.

In particular, a ‘critical flaw’ of the first phase of the Common European Asylum System was the wide difference in Member States’ recognition rates, ie the percentage of persons from the same country of origin whose claim for refugee status was accepted or not.

This divergence created ‘secondary movements’ (ie movements of asylum-seekers between Member States) and ‘goes against the principle of providing equal access to protection across the EU’.
Also, an increasing number of applicants were given ‘subsidiary protection’, ie a form of protection other than refugee status, and it was necessary to take account of this when developing the second phase legislation.

As for the content of the Common European Asylum System, the objective of creating the system was first agreed back in 1999, at the European Council (ie summit meeting) in Tampere, Finland. It was then agreed that there should be a ‘uniform status of asylum’ which would be ‘valid throughout the Union’.

Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, these objectives are now a legally binding part of the EU Treaties (Article 78 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union).

The most recent multi-year Justice and Home Affairs programme, agreed in 2009 (the ‘Stockholm programme’) states that:

The European Council remains committed to the objective of establishing a common area of protection and solidarity based on a common asylum procedure and a uniform status for those granted international protection. While [the] CEAS should be based on high protection standards, due regard should also be given to fair and effective procedures capable of preventing abuse. It is crucial that individuals, regardless of the Member State in which their application for asylum is lodged, are offered an equivalent level of treatment as regards reception conditions, and the same level as regards procedural arrangements and status determination. The objective should be that similar cases should be treated alike and result in the same outcome.

Furthermore:

There are still significant differences between national provisions and their application.
In order to achieve a higher degree of harmonisation, the establishment of CEAS, should remain a key policy objective for the Union. Common rules, as well as a better and more coherent application of them, should prevent or reduce secondary movements within the Union, and increase mutual trust between Member States.
With the recent agreement in principle on all of the remaining legislative proposals, it is time to assess whether the second phase of the Common European Asylum System will achieve the objective of ensuring common standards based on a high degree of protection.

Overview

There are five main measures making up the first phase of the Common European Asylum System, and all of them are being updated as part of the second phase of the system.

The state of play of these five measures is as follows: Continue reading “Analysis :The second phase of the Common European Asylum System: A brave new world – or lipstick on a pig? By Professor Steve Peers, (*) University of Essex”

An european area of freedom, security and justice ? Paving the way from Stockholm …to Rome in 2014

On November 7th the FREE Group submitted to the Chairman and other members of the Civil liberties Committee of the European Parliament its “Call for a true European Area of Freedom Security and Justice”. The main aim of the “Call” was to evaluate what has been done (or not done) since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the adoption of the Stockholm Programme.
Learning from failures and successes is a pre-condition for the new phase which will start from December 1st, 2014 (at the end of the five-years transitional period for the measures adopted before the Lisbon Treaty in judicial and police cooperation domain) (1).

According to the FREE Group “CALL” from December 2014 onward, EU and its Member States have to close the current gap between the EU legislation and the principles and objectives now outlined in the Treaties and in the European Charter of fundamental rights. Needless to say, the “lisbonisation” of police and judicial cooperation in penal matters, (1) will be the first test of the real will of the member States and of the EU institutions. Unfortunately the current situation is not promising at all and the announced UK opt-out will not make things easier either.
However, a fundamental shift of responsabilty between the EU institutions is also needed to make the EAFSJ more legitimate and credible.

The European Council which has acted until now practically alone when it has adopted the multiannual programmes of Tampere (1999), Den Haag (2004) and even Stockholm (2009). It should now accept the fact that after Lisbon, even if it will maintain its strategic role in this area (art.68 TFEU) it has to play it by taking in account the new EU institutional balance arising from the Treaties and the Charter. The new role of the European Parliament, of the Commission and of the Court of Justice in the EAFSJ policies requires a different relation with the European Council which is no more the “Deus ex machina” but an institution which like all the others should respect the principle of loyal cooperation, abide to the obligations of transparency (art. 15 TFEU), respect of democratic principles, dialog with civil society (art.11 TEU) and, last but not least, be accountable to the EU citizens.
In this perspective a strong interaction with the other Institutions directly elected by the european citizens such the European Parliament and of the national parliaments become unavoidable.
Moreover a stronger integration of the European Council within the “ordinary” EU institutional dialogue will not only re-establish the checks and balances within the EU (required since 1958 by the ECJ “Meroni” ruling) but could also trigger as a substantial effect, a real political debate also betweeen the european political “families” which still prefers hiding themselves behind the EU institutional machinery.
If such an open political debate arises it will be extremely beneficial for the all EU construction and could prove that the EAFSJ policies are no more an area restricted to skilled diplomats and burocrats “elites” shaping the Council and Commission’s Strategies, Conclusions, Guidelines, Roadmaps… .

The future Italian Presidency of the EU Council which will take place in the second semester of 2014, could play a decisive role for a more transparent and democratic phase of the EAFSJ.

However to make this change possible hard preparatory work is needed and should start already now because the EU is a sort of “super carrier” which requires time and skillfulness to change its direction. Moreover as soon as this change of strategy will become apparent it will inevitably create the opposition inside the Council, the Commission and even in the European Parliament as it happened for the “access to documents” file. It is well known that soon after the “Turco” ruling of the Court of Justice which has required more transparency in the Council and Commission these institutions have developped a clear opposite strategy to “protect” their old decision making procedures.

This kind of turf wars between the EU institutions could be extremely dangerous from an european citizen’s perspective because the EAFSJ policies should now be negotiated and implemented in full compliance with the EU Charter. They have become the core of a new European Public order which can be considered democratic only if the EU citizens and their representatives could influence both the national and European level. This objective was crystal clear when the Charter has been negotiated, and it has been reiterated also by seminal ruling of national Constitutional Courts, but since then it looks fading away from the EU legislative works and debates.

However this sort of resilience of the “Maastricht style” even after the Lisbon Treaty and EU Charter risks to be a slippery slope for the EAFSJ policies.

For thirty years the EU has underestimated the close relation between the EURO and a true EU Economic policy; let’s hope that the same mistake will not be repeated for the relation which has now to established between the EU Charter and the relevant EAFSJ policies. They should no more evolve, as it is still now the case, in a parallel world separated from the other EU policies notably in the economic and social sphere. In politics (as in nature) everything is linked. Again, the role that the future Italian Presidency could play will be extremely important because it will be at the beginning of a new EU legislature as well as of the new 18th months Trio Presidency cycle which will cover from 1st of July 2014 to December 31st 2015.

By framing the new global EU roadmap bringing together the EAFSJ policies with the new EU 2020 agenda the Italian Presidency can make the difference by setting a new bridge on (still) troubled waters.

EDC

1. See artt 9 and 10 of Protocol 36 on “TRANSITIONAL PROVISIONS CONCERNING ACTS ADOPTED ON THE BASIS OF TITLES V AND VI OF THE TREATY ON EUROPEAN UNION PRIOR TO THE ENTRY INTO FORCE OF THE TREATY OF LISBON

Article 9
The legal effects of the acts of the institutions, bodies, offices and agencies of the Union adopted on the basis of the Treaty on European Union prior to the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon shall be preserved until those acts are repealed, annulled or amended in implementation of the Treaties.
The same shall apply to agreements concluded between Member States on the basis of the Treaty on European Union.

Article 10
1. As a transitional measure, and with respect to acts of the Union in the field of police cooperation and judicial cooperation in criminal matters which have been adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the powers of the institutions shall be the following at the date of entry into force of that Treaty: the powers of the Commission under Article 258 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union shall not be applicable and the powers of the Court of Justice of the European Union under Title VI of the Treaty on European Union, in the version in force before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, shall remain the same, including where they have been accepted under Article 35(2) of the said Treaty on European Union.
2. The amendment of an act referred to in paragraph 1 shall entail the applicability of the powers of the institutions referred to in that paragraph as set out in the Treaties with respect to the amended act for those Member States to which that amended act shall apply.
3. In any case, the transitional measure mentioned in paragraph 1 shall cease to have effect five years after the date of entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon.
4. At the latest six months before the expiry of the transitional period referred to in paragraph 3, the United Kingdom may notify to the Council that it does not accept, with respect to the acts referred to in paragraph 1, the powers of the institutions referred to in paragraph 1 as set out in the Treaties. In case the United Kingdom has made that notification, all acts referred to in paragraph 1 shall cease to apply to it as from the date of expiry of the transitional period referred to in paragraph 3. This subparagraph shall not apply with respect to the amended acts which are applicable to the United Kingdom as referred to in paragraph 2.
The Council, acting by a qualified majority on a proposal from the Commission, shall determine the necessary consequential and transitional arrangements. The United Kingdom shall not participate in the adoption of this decision. A qualified majority of the Council shall be defined in accordance with Article 238(3)(a) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.
The Council, acting by a qualified majority on a proposal from the Commission, may also adopt a decision determining that the United Kingdom shall bear the direct financial consequences, if any, necessarily and unavoidably incurred as a result of the cessation of its participation in those acts.
5. The United Kingdom may, at any time afterwards, notify the Council of its wish to participate in acts which have ceased to apply to it pursuant to paragraph 4, first subparagraph. In that case, the relevant provisions of the Protocol on the Schengen Acquis integrated into the framework of the European Union or of the Protocol on the position of the United Kingdom and Ireland in respect of the area of freedom, security and justice, as the case may be, shall apply. The powers of the institutions with regard to those acts shall be those set out in the Treaties. When acting under the relevant Protocols, the Union institutions and the United Kingdom shall seek to re-establish the widest possible measure of participation of the United Kingdom in the acquis of the Union in the area
of freedom, security and justice without seriously affecting the practical operability of the various parts thereof, while respecting their coherence.”

European Data Protection : legislative negotiations soon to be started …

Three years after the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty the long awaited legislative negotiations on the future European Union legal framework on data protection will now start between the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union. The competent parliamentary Committee LIBE will now debate two reports dealing respectively with
– a first report on the draft EU regulation covering the cases where possible the private sector is involved
– a second report on the draft EU Directive covering the cases where public authorities are involved.

The procedure

On the procedural side the two reports will in the coming months be debated and amendments will soon be submitted by all the political groups so that everyone will have the chance to take position on the main aspects of the proposed EU legislation. A first “orientation” vote will then take place and a majority will arise inside the parliamentary commitee and this majoritarian position will be the basis for the dialogue with the Council. The latter will also try to build its own majority between the national delegations. If successful a “general approach” will be endorsed by the Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) and by the Council and this will be the Council alternative text to the parliamentary Committee “orientation”. The dialogue between the two institutions will then take place with the aim to reach a possible compromise.
If a compromise is reached it will be voted by the parliamentary committee and then by the plenary. The same will happen on the Council side and the procedure could then be considered closed (according to the practice of the so called “first reading agreement” an interinstitutional practice which has become the rule in the legislative negotiations at European Union level).

Will this procedure be successful for the data protection “package” ?

It is still possible but not granted as the issue of data protection is extremely sensitive and impact on fundamental interests in the public and private sphere. The end of the legislature is not so far (mid-2014) and there is not much time to close the negotiations in time if no “first reading” agreement is out of view in the coming months.
The pressure exist on both sides as Ireland, which is now chairing the Council Presidency, is the country where giants like GOOGLE and Facebook have their european seat, and is interested more than others in clarifying the new legal framework to avoid all the possible problems which could arise from a still unclear legal situation.
On the other side also the European Parliament is strongly committed in reaching an agreement because data protection has been at the centre of a more then a decade long “saga” with the other institutions (suffice to remember the controversial Plenary votes on the international agreements with the USA on Safe Harbor, PNR, SWIFT, and enquiry on the ECHELON system..).

However because of this pressure on both side the risk of stalemate could not also be excluded.

The evolution of the EU constitutional framework

On the Content side there are several new elements to be taken in account.
First of all since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon the constitutional framework for data protection is radically changed.

Before this Treaty Protection of personal data was not an autonomous EU objective but a condition to be fulfilled as a corollary of other public objectives such as sharing data in the framework of the single market or collecting data to prevent transnational crime and terrorism. The legal basis for legislating in this domain where the articles of the treaties empowering the EU institutions for building the internal market (art.95 of the European Community Treaty) or to grant an hig level of security (art.29 of the Treaty of the European Union).

It is worth recalling that notwhitstanding its original focus on internal market the Community draft legislation (Com (90)0314 – C3-0323/Syn 287; OJ No. C277, 5.1.1990, p3) became the most advanced standard setting legal text on Data protection principles taking stock of the previous works in international fora such as the Council of Europe (Convention for the Protection of Individuals with regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data, adopted on 28 January 1981) and in the OECD (OECD Guidelines on the Protection of Privacy and Transborder Flows of Personal data, adopted on 23 September 1980). The legal framework for data protection by law enforcement authorities were before Lisbon much more sparse, confuse and vague because at that time protection of public security at EU level was dealt at intergovernamental level and there was no real will to harmonize the existing national (diverging) standards.
Only because of the pressure of the European Parliament and after the signature of the Lisbon Treaty (!) an intergovenramental Framework Decision on the protection of personal data processed in the framework of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters has been published on 30 December 2008. However the Framework Decision which is still into force cover only transnational transfert of data so that it does not establish a common level of privacy protection nor cover the EU institutions and agencies (Schengen information system included) which continue even today to consider as reference the Council of Europe Convention of …1981 and a Recommendation of 1987 .

The lack of a legal general framework for data protection together with a lack of Member States political will have probably been the main cause of the interinstitutional conflicts of the last fifteen years as well as of the growing tensions with the USA. As it happens often in case of interinstitutional stalemate the only progresses made came from the jurisprudence of national and european judges.()

After the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon everything is changed because data protection has been recognised as a fundamental right as well as a self standing objective of the European Union.

On the first aspect the art. 8 of the EU Charter is crystal clear:
“(1) Everyone has the right to the protection of personal data concerning him or her.
(2) Such data must be processed fairly for specified purposes and on the basis of the consent of the person concerned or some other legitimate basis laid down by law. Everyone has the right of access to data which has been collected concerning him or her, and the right to have it rectified.
(3) Compliance with these rules shall be subject to control by an independent authority.

In short, protecting personal data is like protecting not only the image of an individual but also his ability to act in a given society without external public and private interference (the so-called right to “self-determination” which has been shaped already in 1983 by the jurisprudence of the German Constitutional Court. According to the “Census” judgment:“A social and legal order in which the citizen can no longer know who knows what when about him and in which situation, is incompatible with the right to informational self-determination. A person who wonders whether unusual behaviour is noted each time and thereafter always kept on record, used or disseminated, will try not to come to attention in this way. A person who assumes, for instance, that participation in a meeting or citizen initiative is officially recorded, and may create risks for him, may well decide not to use the relevant fundamental rights ([as guaranteed in] Articles 8 and 9 of the Constitution). This would not only limit the possibilities for personal development of the individual, but also the common good, because self-determination is an essential prerequisite for a free and democratic society that is based on the capacity and solidarity of its citizens”.
To protect personal data amounts not only to protect the liberty of the individual and, his dignity but even a more general good of the democratic society itself.

However such beautiful principles would be meaningless if not reflected in a binding legislation and in the daily life. To reach this objective art. 16 of the Treaty on Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) makes clear that personal data should be protected by “Union institutions, bodies, offices and agencies, and by the Member States when carrying out activities which fall within the scope of Union law, and the rules relating to the free movement of such data.”

This will not be an easy task because EU law cover now all the main aspects of a person’s daily life in a global world where personal data have become the blood of the information society.
Massive data collection, on-line tracking and profiling not only by private companies but also by public authorities have become so widespread that many people consider that the protection of personal data itself do not exist any more. It seems that it has been killed
– by widespread invasive relatively low-cost technology
– by individual’s naïve behaviour in the social network
– by big private societies which are making an incredible amount of money from on-line advertising built on the exploitation of personal data (obtained for free)
– and last but not least by public authorities which, in a borderless world, having the facto lost the control of their territories try to prevent crime and terrorism by profiling potential dangerous people and collect everywhere massive amounts of personal data.

The post-Lisbon legislative data protection package

Confronted with the challenge of defining the new post-Lisbon data protection framework the Commission after thorough comparative studies has decided to maintain a twin track approach by submitting a Draft Regulation for protecting personal data in the civil domain and a Draft Directive adressed to public authorities when collecting personal data for security purposes. This choice has not been appreciated by the data protection authorities and by the European Parliament not only for the risk of inconsistencies but also for the risk of grey areas for activities which can fall in between.

CALL FOR A TRUE EUROPEAN AREA OF FREEDOM SECURITY AND JUSTICE

By the “Fundamental Rights European Experts Group” (FREE Group) (see below)
“Let’s be driven by our values and not by our fears”

1. Three years after Lisbon the objective of an EAFSJ is still far away…

Three years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and of the European Charter of fundamental rights one can wonder if the European Union and its Member States are really committed to the objective of building the European Freedom Security and Justice Area. It is worth recalling that this objective dates back to 1997 when the Amsterdam Treaty was signed, but it has since then been substantially upgraded by the Lisbon Treaty.

After years of hard negotiations between the MS the EAFSJ has been tightly linked to a newly binding Charter of fundamental rights and some of the previous political, legal and democratic flaws have been solved. For three years the qualified majority voting has been the normal Council decision-making rule, the EP is a full co-legislator and the Commission and the European Court of Justice can fully play their role.

2. A deceiving outcome on quantitative and qualitative terms..

However notwithstanding these undeniable constitutional advances, the EU recent activity is quite deceptive both in quantitative as in qualitative terms. The EU and its MS seem still in a transitional and survival phase than in the long awaited building phase of true EAFSJ.

On quantitative aspects suffice it to note that since the beginning of the legislative term less than fifty legislative proposals have been submitted and only twenty have until now been adopted (1). If this trend continues one can wonder if the European Parliament and the Council will be able to adopt in the last 18 months of this legislature all the texts currently on the table not to speak of the proposals that the Commission has announced notably from the second half of 2013.

But much more concerning are the qualitative aspects of the institutional activity in a domain which is deemed to be now the core of the European public space.

To start with some positive aspects it is more than likely that the new Common European Asylum System foreseen by the art. 78 TFEU (and by the art.18 of the Charter) will be adopted before the end of this year (2). Progress has also been achieved with the adoption of the first measures dealing with the suspect’s rights in criminal proceedings (3) as well as in the judicial cooperation in civil matters (4) and on the establishment of new Agencies (5).

These decisions have often been taken after lengthy and painful negotiations and have been accompanied by the conclusion of international agreements as happened with the EU-US TFTP and PNR agreements. However a positive assessment on the latter is not obvious and the risks has been denounced that the final outcome could still not comply with the European Charter as well as of the European Convention of Human rights standards (6). The EP rejection of the ACTA agreement (7) has confirmed that the EU institutions often do not share the same vision of the balance to be struck between freedom and security.
Continue reading “CALL FOR A TRUE EUROPEAN AREA OF FREEDOM SECURITY AND JUSTICE”

European Union and Hungary: towards a new “Haider” case ?

(Original IT – translation still to be revised)

Hungary puts at risk the Union’s values?

”Such a change among the democratic frameworks that we did today was only done by revolutions before. […] Hungarians today have proved that there is a reason for democracy. […] Hungarians today overthrew a system of oligarchs who used to abuse their power.” The new government will be modest and humble. “ (1)

Two years later, these April 2010 Viktor Orban statements celebrating the Fidesz Party two thirds majority in Parliament following the Hungarian elections, sound now very different as it is the case for the economic forecasts following the 2010 Hungarian elections according to which such an electoral result would had made possible for the Hungarian Forint to recover from the crisis from which it had been barely saved in 2008 by the International Monetary Fund and the European Union.

Now, not only the relations between the EU and the IMF seem to have reached their lowest point (at least judging from the recent interruption of the negotiations with the Hungarian monetary authorities) but even bolder critics are emerging at European level as far as the compatibility of various initiatives of the Orban Government with fundamental rights and respect for democratic principles are concerned.

The situation is so worrying to push Guy Verohfstadt, President of the Liberal Group in the European Parliament to declare that Hungary seems not to fully respect anymore the “values” it subscribed when it joined the European Union, (“values” that the Lisbon Treaty has made even more explicit (2). Hence, according to Verohfstadt the European institutions should trigger the “alert” procedure foreseen by art. 7 par. 1 of the EU Treaty (3).

It is worth noting that such an “alert” procedure may be launched by the European Parliament itself and that it is designed to verify if “.. there is a clear risk of a serious breach by a Member State of the founding values of the European Union and, if such a risk exists the Council would be entitled to formally recommend the State who has lost its bearings to come back on the rights track.

Needless to say that such an “alert procedure” is very different from the “nuclear option” laid down in the second paragraph of the article 7 where the Council could even suspend a Member State voting rights if “a serious and persistent breach” of European Values has been ascertained.

Yet the mere fact of evoking the “alert” procedure has already led the European Parliament’s political groups, to position themselves as in previous cases by mirroring the political position present at national level (situation which will make difficult to reach the third majority needed in the European Parliament to vote the request the Council to address formal recommendation to Hungary).(4)

The European Parliament debate on this issue will take place during the January Plenary session in Strasbourg then the competent parliamentary committee could start its work as far as the European Commission has shown that there is ground to proceed and the Conference of Presidents of political groups consider that a formal report should be prepared following the proposal of the ALDE President Verohfstadt.

All that having being said on procedural aspects, it is worth recalling which have been the main concerns raised by the recent Hungarian initiatives.
Continue reading “European Union and Hungary: towards a new “Haider” case ?”